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Parliament's record since 1997: debates, questions, statements, votes, bills, committees and members' interests

Where They Stand

Sourced briefings on the record of Parliament

Northern Ireland Assembly, 2 October 2012

326 contributions from 61 members. The official report.

Executive Committee Business

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I beg to introduce the Education Bill [NIA 14/11-15], which is a Bill to provide for the establishment and functions of the Education and Skills Authority; to make further provision about education, educational services and youth services; and for connected purposes.

Bill passed First Stage and ordered to be printed.

Francie Molloy (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer will have 10 minutes to propose the motion and 10 minutes in which to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who wish to speak will have five minutes. I advise Members that, in accordance with schedule 6 to the Northern Ireland Act 2009, the motion must be passed by parallel consent.

Peter Robinson (DUP, Belfast East)

I beg to move

That, pursuant to paragraph 2 of schedule 6 to the Northern Ireland Act 2009, sub-paragraph (1) of that paragraph is not to apply.

Nearly four years ago, in November 2008, the deputy First Minister and I announced that we had reached a joint view on a number of matters concerning the future devolution of policing and justice. That was an important milestone on the route to the successful devolution of those responsibilities in May 2010. Among the matters on which we reached agreement was the process for judicial appointments and removals. The Westminster legislation, passed in 2002 in anticipation of the future devolution of justice, would have given power to the First Minister and deputy First Minister to make appointments following recommendations from the Northern Ireland Judicial Appointments Commission (NIJAC). The deputy First Minister and I agreed in 2008 that that should not be the case and that the Judicial Appointments Commission should itself exercise the powers of appointment that would otherwise have come to us.

As with other aspects of our November 2008 agreement, the arrangements on judicial appointments were to be reviewed in the light of experience before May 2012 and would be subject to a sunset clause. Westminster legislation enacted the changes that had been agreed in the Northern Ireland Act 2009, removing the First Minister and deputy First Minister from the process of judicial appointments and removals and placing a statutory responsibility on an Assembly Committee to review the new arrangements before May 2012. A sunset clause was to become operative automatically in May 2012, preventing us from jointly appointing new members to the Judicial Appointments Commission, but it could be disapplied by an Assembly motion or overriding legislation.

The new arrangements came into operation in April 2010 with the devolution of policing and justice. The Assembly's Justice Committee took on the task of reviewing the operation of the new arrangements for judicial appointments and removals. In April this year, the Justice Committee reported that the new arrangements, although only in place for a relatively short period, since April 2010, appeared to be working satisfactorily and recommended that there be no changes to the current process at this time. The Committee's report was debated in the Assembly on 14 May and endorsed. The Assembly should, therefore, have no difficulty supporting this motion, which will disapply the sunset clause in paragraph 2(1) of schedule 6 to the Northern Ireland Act 2009:

"From 1 May 2012, no new members may be appointed to the Northern Ireland Judicial Appointments Commission, unless the Northern Ireland Assembly resolves that this sub-paragraph is not to apply (or an Act of the Assembly overrides the sub-paragraph)."

Paragraph 2(2) requires that the motion be passed by parallel consent provisions, and paragraph 2(3) makes it clear that a resolution can be passed after 1 May 2012.

The deputy First Minister and I jointly tabled the motion because our Department, OFMDFM, has sponsorship responsibilities for NIJAC and funds the commission to the tune of £1·4 million annually. NIJAC is an effective and efficiently run arm's-length body that carries out its functions independently of government. It decides whom to appoint or recommend for appointment and is committed to appointing the best possible judicial office holders through fair, open and transparent selection and appointment processes. It appoints applicants and recommends them for appointment solely on the basis of merit.

In the past financial year, the commission made 32 recommendations for judicial appointment, comprising seven court appointments, 25 tribunal appointments and 54 recommendations for renewal of appointments. The commission is headed ex officio by the Lord Chief Justice. It has 12 other members, five of whom are judicial members from various tiers of the judiciary who are nominated by the Lord Chief Justice. Two legal professional members are nominated by the Bar Council and the Law Society. The remaining five lay members are appointed jointly by the deputy First Minister and me. All appointments of NIJAC members are regulated by the Commissioner for Public Appointments.

The sunset clause, which came into operation on 1 May, has not affected the judiciary, nor has it prevented the commission from carrying out its functions. However, we hope soon to fill three vacancies for lay members that arose in the course of the summer. If we are to do so, the sunset clause needs to be disapplied. This is the purpose of the motion. Though couched in quite technical terms, it essentially restores to the deputy First Minister and me the authority to appoint new members of the commission. As the arrangements for judicial appointments and removals that came into operation in April 2010 have operated effectively, been reviewed by the Justice Committee and endorsed by the Assembly, it is appropriate that the sunset clause be disapplied by virtue of the motion. Accordingly, I commend the motion to the House.

Paul Givan (DUP, Lagan Valley)

I am pleased to speak to the motion today as Chairman of the Committee. In accordance with the Northern Ireland Act 2009 and Assembly Standing Order 49A, the Committee for Justice undertook a review of the operation of the amendments made to the judicial appointments and removals processes by schedules 2 to 5 to the Northern Ireland Act 2009 earlier this year.

When undertaking the review, the Committee considered a range of issues, including the fact that full responsibility for judicial appointments now sits with the Northern Ireland Judicial Appointments Commission; whether the balance of power in that process had moved too far towards the judiciary and unelected bodies and away from politicians; and the perception reflected in evidence received by the Committee but refuted by the chairman of NIJAC, the Lord Chief Justice, that the commission was dominated by its judicial members. Having considered the evidence received and noting the views expressed by NIJAC and the Department of Justice, as indicated earlier by the First Minister, that, while they had been in place for only a relatively short time, the arrangements created by the 2009 Act appeared to be working satisfactorily, the Committee for Justice recommended that there be no changes to the current process for judicial appointments and removals in Northern Ireland at this time. The Committee also indicated that it intended to undertake a further review of the judicial appointments and removals process in due course.

The report that the Committee completed was fully debated in the House. I could elaborate on all the discussions that took place when we looked at the issue, but I am confined to speaking about this power, which will allow the appointment of lay members to the Judicial Appointments Commission. So, on that basis, I support the motion.

Raymond McCartney (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. Thank you very much, Principal Deputy Speaker. Beidh Sinn Féin ag tacú leis an rún seo. As the Chair outlined, this came before the Committee, and we had a number of evidence sessions on it. As the Chair also said, concerns were raised, particularly on the profile and balance of the commission. In our evidence sessions, we were given the details of that balance, which the commission felt was appropriate at present and did not hinder it from doing its job.

This is a technical motion, if you like, that allows the process to go forward. The arrangements have been in place for only a very short time, and the Committee has committed itself to returning to the issue and to doing a further review. The First Minister outlined the detail of the proposal, which will move the overall process forward, and Sinn Féin will support it.

Tom Elliott (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I suppose we are in an unusual position in that the First Minister and deputy First Minister have tabled the motion, but the Justice Committee appears to have carried out most of the work on the review and report. I recall that the Assembly and Executive Review Committee (AERC) was to have a role at one stage as well. However, it has all come together now. I listened to the First Minister, and I appreciate that this is a non-controversial aspect of the process.

From the report, I recall the Lord Chief Justice giving, at least, some indication that the fact that a number of judges and legal people were on NIJAC did not mean that it was just judges appointing judges. I suppose that he was trying to give some comfort to Committee members and, indeed, to the House, but I think that some members still had concerns about that. That is why the Committee was keen to have more laypeople involved to allow them to have their say so that there could be no view — perceived or otherwise — that it was just judges appointing judges. I know that the Committee is keen to have a much wider review at some stage, and I support that. There needs to be an opportunity for time to look at this. I have no difficulty agreeing to the motion at the moment, but it is important that, over the next period of time and, in fact, during this Assembly mandate, we have a more in-depth review of the appointment process. We should also look at it when the Justice Committee's time is not constrained as it was during this stage, which happened because we needed to make sure that we got this through so that appointments could be made. I support the motion, but I will put down the caveat that we need a wider review in the near future.

Alban Maginness (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast North)

First, we support the motion. It is a technical motion that provides a necessary power to OFMDFM, and we believe that it is right that it be made. I concur with the remarks of the First Minister and those of the Chair of the Justice Committee, who chaired the report on NIJAC. He made some interesting points, brief as they were. The important thing, as Mr Elliott said, is that the Justice Committee will reconsider NIJAC's role and look more carefully at how it functions.

We were constrained by the time limits imposed on the Committee. We were doing work subcontracted from the Assembly and Executive Review Committee, but we carried out our work well. However, there are issues that need to be examined further . Paragraph 109 of the Committee's report, which the Chair referred to, states:

"The Committee discussed the question of whether the balance of power in relation to the process for judicial appointments and removals has moved too far towards the judiciary and non-elected bodies and away from politicians. In any further consideration of where power should reside in relation to judicial appointments and to what extent, if any, political representatives should have a role, a distinction should be made between involvement in the selection process and involvement in the appointment process."

As I said, there is further work to be done. The Justice Committee will return to it at some time, and that we fully support.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

It is clear that the 2009 legislation was and is a significant improvement on the arrangements pertaining to judicial appointments that existed in the 2002 Act and, indeed, the 2004 Act. The primary benefit that flows from the 2009 Act is the extent to which it depoliticised appointments.

The appointment of judges is never an easy matter. Historically, of course, it was done exclusively, I suppose that one could say, by existing judges themselves. That may have created difficulties with transparency. It may not have resulted in the wrong people being appointed, and I suppose that those who watch other practitioners in operation in their courts, from where our judges come, are almost best placed to determine who may or may not be a good judge. For many years, that effectively was the system. It operated almost on a tap-on-the-shoulder basis. That was not, I suppose, something that recommended itself to the wider public. Therefore, the introduction of the Judicial Appointments Commission brings some transparency. Whether it brings a better outcome is perhaps debatable, because then it gets beset with all sorts of political correctness with regard to gender balance and all sorts of things. Whether the appointments are as persuasively on the basis of merit may be a matter for debate, but this certainly has the appearance of a better process.

My one continuing difficulty with the 2009 Act is that it bestows the power of appointment for the lay members not on the obvious Department — the Department of Justice — but on OFMDFM. Therefore, there is the abiding concern that the opportunity remains for them-and-us appointments.

Schedule 6 to the 2009 Act states that, once this motion is passed, appointments can be made from tomorrow — the day following. In the winding-up speech, therefore, I would like to hear when the appointments will be made. In fact, have the people already been chosen, and will we have an announcement as soon as tomorrow of those appointments? Can the House have some information on that? Can we have the assurance that, unlike the appointments to the Maze regeneration board, these appointments will show none of the telltale signs of cronyism and will be persuasive, stand in their own right and be beyond dispute as regards the suitability of those who will be appointed?

Peter Robinson (DUP, Belfast East)

There is little doubt that the arrangements for judicial appointments and removals that were initially agreed by the deputy First Minister and me back in November 2008, were legislated for in Westminster in 2009 and became operative in 2010 have worked satisfactorily. I welcome the remarks made by the Chairman of the Justice Committee. I am a wee bit puzzled by the remarks of Mr Elliott. I do not know whether I should be offended that he did not really want me to move the motion. He complains when we do not come to the House, and he complains when we do. We are moving the motion because we have the sponsorship of NIJAC and we fund its work.

Tom Elliott (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Will the First Minister give way?

Peter Robinson (DUP, Belfast East)

I will indeed, if he is going to say something nice.

Tom Elliott (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

If that were reciprocated, I might, but the chances of that are probably limited. I am sure that the First Minister will appreciate and Hansard will record that all that I indicated was that it was unusual, in the sense that OFMDFM was the sponsor body — I recognise and understand why — but the Justice Committee brought through the report. I just said that it was an unusual situation at that time.

Peter Robinson (DUP, Belfast East)

The Member should not be surprised if I say something nice, now that we are on the train to unionist unity; I would have thought that he would expect it. As I said, it is because we are the sponsoring department.

I note the remarks of Mr Alban Maginness about reviewing the issue again. It is proper that we all do that and continue to monitor the operation of NIJAC. The conclusion of the review carried out by the Justice Committee, which reported in April this year and was endorsed by the Assembly in its debate on the Committee's report back on 14 May, was supportive of continuing on the basis outlined. One of the reasons why the arrangements work effectively is, of course, the central role of the Northern Ireland Judicial Appointments Commission in the selection and appointment of judicial office holders. The current system has removed from the process any involvement by Northern Ireland Ministers or politicians in the selection and appointment of judicial office holders. It is appropriate that the arrangements should continue and that the sunset clause, which has temporarily prevented the deputy First Minister and I from refreshing the membership of the commission, should be disapplied. That is the purpose of the motion. I say to the Member for North Antrim that we hope to be able to make appointments very quickly.

The Judicial Appointments Commission operates on the basis of its values of independence, merit, diversity, fairness, transparency, accountability and partnership. Its membership reflects a balance of judicial, legal and lay interests that was prescribed in the Justice (Northern Ireland) Act 2002. In appointing lay members, the deputy First Minister and I must, as far as possible, secure that they are representative of the community.

Mr McCartney reflected concerns raised during the Committee hearings about some aspects of the outcome of the judicial appointments process. In particular, I think, he is referring to the dearth of female judicial office holders at the highest ranks of the judiciary. Of course, Northern Ireland is not unique in that respect; the issue has also attracted the interest of Westminster legislators in relation to England and Wales. NIJAC has a statutory responsibility to ensure, as far as is reasonably practicable, that a range of persons reflective of the community is available for consideration in selecting judicial office holders. That, of course, is without prejudice to selection on merit. It pursues an outreach action programme that includes promoting and encouraging with the legal profession applicants for judicial office. A joint liaison committee comprising NIJAC, the Law Society and the Bar Council will examine the reasons that hinder talented women in the legal profession from progressing to partner level, to QC and the higher judicial tiers. NIJAC also looks forward to the outcome of current research by Queen's University on the real and perceived obstacles experienced, in particular by women, in applying for and securing judicial appointment. That issue, I am sure, will continue to engage NIJAC, the Justice Committee and the Assembly.

I noted, of course, the late arrival of the Member for North Antrim and leader of the TUV, who is clearly getting mixed up between Eastern Standard Time and Central Standard Time, using his Rory McIlroy watch. It is a pleasure to hear from him. He has made previous contributions on the issues of policing and justice. He told us that, as soon as policing and justice powers were devolved, the stars would fall from the heavens and the mountains would crumble into the sea. Now, in this debate, we have just a slight whimper from him.

The Member, of course, had to refer to the Maze appointments. It is interesting that someone who has repeatedly complained about the lack of unionist appointments to various bodies is now complaining about unionist appointments being made to bodies. He seems to think that, if you have a political outlook and support a political party, you are, therefore, not experienced in anything else and should not be appointed to important bodies. I do not take that view. Of course, the Member also told us that Martin McGuinness would be appointing High Court judges and would be in control of the judiciary —

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Will the Member give way?

Peter Robinson (DUP, Belfast East)

I will give way to him before I start reading his documents.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I cannot enter the same caveat as was placed on Mr Elliott about what I might say. Will the First Minister agree — I am sure he will not agree, but he knows it in his heart — that, had it not been for the issues I raised, the 2009 changes would never have been made? He was embarrassed into making those changes, because, under the 2002 and 2004 arrangements, Mr McGuinness would have had appointment and removal powers with Mr Robinson. It was because I raised my voice that those changes were forced to be made. The First Minister will not admit that, but he knows it to be true in his heart.

Peter Robinson (DUP, Belfast East)

The Member has an inflated view of his influence and power. The legislation that was on the statute books when we came into power was presented to us by Westminster; it was not our legislation. The matters that we have in the present arrangements had been on the table for discussion before he even knew we were discussing those matters. It had absolutely nothing to do with any views expressed by him. I recall writing to him on a number of issues and pointing out just how wrong he was in some of the conclusions he was reaching. Of course, he put out a lot of literature indicating:

"How McGuinness would get control of the Judiciary" .

I have to say that the deputy First Minister was not seeking control of the judiciary. He does not have control of the judiciary. This legislation makes it very clear that NIJAC is the group that will determine who the judges will be. The Lord Chief Justice chairs that group, and the majority of the members of that group are directly appointed by the Lord Chief Justice and the Bar Council. The Member knows well the composition of that group.

Only five of the, I think, 13 members of NIJAC are appointed by the deputy First Minister and me on a joint basis, and there was never going to be any situation in which any one person would have control of the judiciary. That was just part of the scare tactics that the Member has been attempting to flood the community with. Once again he has failed, and, once again, he is having to humbly come before the House and withdraw all the remarks he previously made about the deputy First Minister taking control of these matters. The public outside will see that, once again, his scaremongering amounts to nothing.

I am very pleased to ask the Assembly to endorse the role outlined by the Justice Committee and endorsed previously by the Assembly. I commend the motion and urge the House to resolve accordingly.

Francie Molloy (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I remind the House that the motion must be passed by parallel consent. In other words, I must clearly hear Ayes from all sides of the House.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved (with cross-community support):

That, pursuant to paragraph 2 of schedule 6 to the Northern Ireland Act 2009, sub-paragraph (1) of that paragraph is not to apply.

Francie Molloy (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As there are Ayes from all sides of the House and no dissenting voices, I am satisfied that parallel consent has been demonstrated.

Private Members' Business

Francie Molloy (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Order. The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to one hour and 30 minutes for the debate. The proposer will have 10 minutes to propose the motion and 10 minutes to make a winding-up speech. All other Members who are called to speak will have five minutes.

Judith Cochrane (Alliance, Belfast East)

I beg to move

That this Assembly notes the recent action taken by the European Central Bank and the US Federal Reserve to help stabilise the global economy and the opportunities that this presents for Northern Ireland companies to expand and to increase exports; recognises the continuing problems of small and medium-sized enterprises accessing bank lending; further notes the availability of several significant sources of business finance; and calls on the Executive to use their influence to ensure that businesses are connected efficiently to these funding sources and that their use is maximised.

Barely a media day passes when the condition of our local economy is not lamented; the regional outlook for growth not reassessed; or provincial access to finance and lending not critiqued. I feel it is important that, as an Assembly, we give this issue our focus and discuss how our Executive can use their influence for the better.

I have no doubt that most Members will have had first-hand experience with local business people facing financial challenges and development hurdles in the current economic climate. We are aware of the diminishing availability of borrowing, particularly to small and medium-sized businesses that fulfill such a crucial role in our local economy, accounting as they do for 89% of the total number of businesses and employing 67% of the workforce.

In establishing a global context for the motion, however, I invite Members for a moment to turn their focus away from the familiarity of the local context and instead take a fresh look at recent developments in Europe and the United States. My referring to these actions does not mean that I am complacent about the current state of difficulties. I am not saying that we are in recovery yet, but these actions definitely help to stabilise things. We must, therefore, contemplate how Northern Ireland might capitalise on new signs of stability in these markets. The motion seeks to create a positive context about companies expanding and exporting and being facilitated in doing so through finance flowing to businesses.

Members will be familiar with the euro zone crisis that has been bridling for some considerable time. However, some might not be so well versed on the recent positive strides that have been made by the European Central Bank (ECB). Following its governing council meeting on 6 September, the bank announced a programme of outright monetary transactions (OMTs); a bond-buying scheme designed to build on and complement the previous securities markets programme (SMP). Much the same as the SMP initiative in simple terms, the ECB will continue to buy up Government bonds in the secondary market — in other words, from investors — rather than directly from Governments. That will help to contain the public borrowing costs of those countries. The result of such proposals from the ECB is genuinely helping to create a growing sense of optimism within the euro zone, alleviating fears regarding not only investment interests but business interests.

In the past few weeks in the United States, the US Federal Reserve has announced new measures underpinned by its third round of quantitative easing, or QE3. Quantitative easing works through a number of channels to stimulate the economy, such as by maintaining low borrowing costs for households and business. At the same time, the Federal Reserve has made an enduring commitment to keep national interest rates at exceptionally low levels until mid-2015 at least. These actions represent a statement of intent from the US Federal Reserve that, for the first time, it is linking its actions with what happens to employment rather than to prices. Reading between the lines of the recent announcement, it would appear that America is willing to tolerate an elevated level of inflation in order to bring about a fall in unemployment and a return to strong growth. Although the US approach arguably employs different techniques and practices, its overall end goal is fairly in tune with what is evidenced in Europe. The priority for both is stability.

Geographically, culturally and politically, we may be somewhat removed from the situations unfolding in both the US and the euro zone. However, in light of those developments, we can and should be focusing on the potential opportunities. Economic stability and business opportunity go hand in hand, and regardless of our size, history or politics, we must, as a society, actively seek to take advantage of this renewed economic horizon.

In Northern Ireland, we have a range of established SMEs with boundless potential, but that potential and enthusiasm is not always matched by financial backing. Yes, we have a small population, but that should not confine our growth or our long-term objectives. Provided the European and US measures are effectively adhered to, any success in increasing employment and confidence and restoring growth will bring with it a subsequent increase in private demand and a rise in the demand for overseas exports.

The points that I am making today are consistent with the Executive's economic strategy, which sets out a vision for an economy in which a growing number of firms compete in global markets. The strategy emphasises the need for deepening our export base, focusing on areas with the greatest potential for growth, such as agrifood and ICT, and targeting developing and fast-growing economies as destinations for our products and services.

Although such a vision outlining the way forward is essential, the key to any progress will be the measurable finance available to nurture and grow our private sector from the bottom up. Therefore, I seek to highlight exactly where our Executive can use their influence to ensure that our Northern Ireland businesses are connected efficiently to finance sources and that their use is maximised.

The efforts of Invest NI in that regard, with the access to finance strategy, go some way to filling in the blanks for the next five years at least. In recognition of the growing difficulties for SMEs in obtaining bank loans and the decreasing availability of grant funding, Invest NI plans to offer business funding of between £1,000 and £2 million. Offered through five separate funds totalling more than £100 million, the focus of each fund and the level of support will vary according to need. The Northern Ireland Spin Out funds, for example, are targeted at start-up and early-stage businesses, with awards of between £50,000 and £250,000, while Co-Fund Northern Ireland is designed to co-invest in SMEs along with business angels and private investors to the tune of between £250,000 and £450,000.

The most significant fund in relation to the motion and the desire to deliver progress in our export market, however, is the growth loan fund. It is managed by WhiteRock Capital Partners and has been established to lend up to £50 million to Northern Ireland firms over the next five years, using funds from Invest NI and the Northern Ireland Local Government Officers' Superannuation Committee (NILGOSC).

Just last week, we began to see the positive impact of that funding stream, with the first approved investment from the fund being awarded to Brookvent, the Dunmurry ventilation systems manufacturer. The fund, which lends between £50,000 and £500,000, requires companies to be based in Northern Ireland, demonstrate growth potential and generally be in the manufacturing, engineering or tradable services sectors, benchmarks that are all clearly evidenced by Brookvent.

This local firm, which employs 49 people, has recently opened offices in Poland and in Vilnius in Lithuania to look after Baltic markets. It is anticipated that the growth loan investment of £425,000 will help to accelerate Brookvent's growth strategy in overseas markets and research and development.

Further statistics for the growth loan fund reveal that, since its creation, there have been 112 loan enquiries with six additional deals due to complete in the next few weeks, ranging in value from £100,000 to £500,000 and totalling £2 million, including the Brookvent award.

In a time when so much negativity and finger pointing is focused on limited bank lending, it is prudent that we should be exploring and, indeed, promoting alternative lending options such as venture capital and debt financing to help to rebalance and rebuild our economy and to drive private sector growth.

Bank lending is certainly essential to small business sustainability, and the proposed £1 billion business bank along with the funding for lending scheme are not without their merits. However, we cannot overlook the limits of our political clout, and although we can scrutinise and make recommendations for banking practices, our capacity to enforce our will on banks is limited.

Other means of financial assistance such as the growth loan fund represent a greater opportunity for the Assembly to have an impact and must surely be given the appropriate backing if they are to meet their aims of boosting business confidence and helping local companies to realise their growth potential.

As stated previously, the growth loan fund was originally designed to lend £10 million a year over five years. However, it is now thought, based on current demand, that up to £15 million a year could be reasonably awarded through the scheme. I am aware that Invest NI has been informed of this need. As Members, we can use our influence on the issue. I realise that, for some, however, the worry is that businesses will not be connected to this opportunity and that we could see more unused funds being returned at the end of another year.

It is evidently clear that the demand for this fund, and undoubtedly others, is significant. Yet, alarmingly, many local businesses seeking developmental funding are not aware of the schemes.

This is not a criticism of Invest NI, but there appears to be a disconnect between the fund provider and the fund recipients. Even as a Member, I often struggle to connect businesses in my constituency to the most appropriate group. Therefore, what is perhaps needed is a funding-focused intermediary organisation. Such a body could operate as a separate, independent and non-political co-ordination point that businesses could turn to. It could ask the questions and match the funding with true corporate finance expertise, perhaps even with a specialist funding arm. I do not believe that this body would need to be complex, but it would need to be well advertised.

There is also a problem with higher-level lending of between £2 million and £10 million. I would be interested to know whether there are Executive proposals to deal with that issue. Positive steps are being taken, but there is clearly more work to be done to open global markets and connect to funding sources. On those grounds, I call on the Executive to use their influence and faculty to explore suitable alternatives to ensure that businesses are connected efficiently to these funding sources and that their use is maximised.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

In supporting the motion, I pay tribute to the Minister for her recognition of the problem, particularly in SMEs, and for her initiatives and willingness to look beyond the current banking structures and examine ways in which small businesses might access non-bank sources to stimulate their activity and market. If I am critical of the motion in any way, it is because it fails to recognise that the problem has already been identified and some initiatives undertaken.

In the general thrust of things, we, within the structures of the Assembly and Departments, need to match the innovation being shown by many SMEs, which are exporting in new and imaginative ways. We need to look at ways in which we can support them, including through finance. As well as what are regarded as the traditional methods, there are other opportunities to be explored. I pay tribute to Invest Northern Ireland for its willingness to explore those opportunities, which include crowd funding and expanding our base of angel investors.

We live in a generally conservative business environment in Northern Ireland. In many ways, companies have traditionally been reluctant to give up some control through the purchase of, or investment in, equity. However, in today's modern economy, that is perhaps one of the most effective ways of securing finance. It also has the added benefit of bringing professional expertise to bear in businesses. I meet many businesspeople, as, I am sure, do all MLAs, and I appeal to them to take advantage of the many support and information programmes that are available through the Department and Invest Northern Ireland to assist local SMEs.

Having spoken to those regarded as expert in the field, I believe that our range of support for SMEs is amongst the most comprehensive. Of course, there are particular things that we would like to see and things that we would like to see done better or more extensively. However, as the domestic market shows no signs of any significant growth, at least not in the immediate future, our focus must continue to be on assisting and supporting local companies and helping them to get their products overseas.

I firmly believe that, although we need to ensure that businesses are aware of all the possible sources of finance, we must also ensure that they are not borrowing for the sake of it. Instead, we must ensure that their plans for growth are matched against their borrowing and development so that they utilise that finance properly. I believe that all the support mechanisms are in place to ensure that that is the case.

I welcome many of the recent bank interventions, although there is still a long way to go. In today's market, businesses are right to be cautious in their planning. TV coverage of the Prime Minister's visit to Brazil only last week highlighted the attempts by Brazil and the UK to build trade agreements. That is a welcome step, as is the fact that our Minister is taking similar steps. I am encouraged by the steps that the Minister is taking and by her efforts —

Francie Molloy (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Bring your remarks to a close.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

— to support our SMEs on a global basis.

Phil Flanagan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Will the Member give way?

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

My time is up.

Daithí McKay (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I thank those who tabled the motion.

It is clear that, regardless of the interpretation of the banks' behaviour, there is unity of opinion across the House on how they have behaved. They are certainly stifling, if not suffocating, many business through their actions. As the Member who spoke previously said, it is important that we look at all the other sources of finance that can be made available to our local businesses, especially the small, medium and micro-sized ones.

I was looking at the Boosting Business website, which contains a sentence that sums the situation up quite aptly. It says:

"it’s harder than ever to get a bank loan or funding to invest in business development or business growth."

When you look at certain trends in emigration and employment etc, you will see that there is concern that ambitious young people, as well as old people, who are the next generation of entrepreneurs are coming up against a brick wall. Whenever they have those sorts of experiences, it is little wonder that they are looking to the likes of Australia and the United States and saying, "If I can't get anywhere here, maybe I will go somewhere else." Maybe in a few years' time we will see the outworking of that in that people from Ireland will have gone to other shores and had business success there. It is a big concern that the current situation could dovetail into a brain drain, particularly of our young talent.

The motion calls on the Executive to increase awareness of what is available and to ensure take-up of start-ups for microbusinesses and small and medium-sized enterprises. The Executive and both Ministers, the Finance Minister and the Enterprise Minister, are limited in what they can do, but I think that it is important that they do all that they can to influence the banks in particular and to put in place funding structures for businesses.

Reference was made to quantitative easing, which has been put in place in different jurisdictions in response to the economic difficulties. However, that is no guarantee that money will be injected into business communities, and, indeed, it has been shown that quantitative easing is no guarantee of that. Although banks are getting greater liquidity, the extra money is not going into businesses. Instead, the banks are improving their balances, so the benefits and purpose of those economic policies are not being realised, which is most unfortunate.

The funding for lending scheme is welcome. It has been shaped to try to ensure that there is some incentive for banks to lend. I look forward to local banks buying in to that scheme. Perhaps, if she knows, the Minister can confirm how many banks have bought in to that scheme or indicated that they are going to sign up to it.

It is quite clear that the politics of austerity are failing, whether in Britain, Ireland or Europe. When the current British Government, particularly the Tories, came into power, they had a long list of economists behind them to support their politics and the economic imprint that they were going to bring to government. We now find that they no longer have those economists behind them, because they need to invest to bring some form of growth to the economy here and in Britain. It is to be welcomed that that thinking is starting to have influence, and hopefully we will see some positive signs from the British Government in recognising that we need more money to get the local economy's wheels in motion again.

The politics of austerity that have been pursued by the British Government and the British Chancellor have failed. We need to send a clear message to them that the politics of austerity do not suit here —

Francie Molloy (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Bring your remarks to a close, please.

Daithí McKay (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

— and will result only in greater hardship for our communities.

Leslie Cree (UUP, North Down)

Initially, I had some difficulty in interpreting the intent of the motion. It refers to the recent action by the Federal Reserve, but what was that action? The statement in 'The Economist' advised that the Federal Reserve had lowered its short-term interest rates to zero and undertaken multiple rounds of bond purchases. That had no appreciable change on the economy, so the Federal Reserve decided on more of the same. It will buy $40 billion worth of mortgage-backed securities a month and extend the period of short-term rates near zero until at least mid-2015. It will keep buying bonds until after the recovery is firmly established. Similarly, the European Central Bank agreed to bring its unlimited capacity to print money to bear on the euro crisis to buy peripheral country bonds. Both actions are aimed at altering expectations. I guess that that was the input from that.

However, in Northern Ireland, we need to provide jobs and create wealth and prosperity. Access to finance is a crucial part of that work, and there is no doubt that the actions of our banks have not the helped the situation over time. We were told that meetings had been held with the banks and the British Bankers' Association and that targets for lending had been agreed. We now know that, over the past two years, the Government have introduced a number of initiatives that are designed to improve lending and liquidity in the United Kingdom banking system, which they hoped would improve the availability of finance and reduce the cost of credit. We now know that none of those initiatives has worked in Northern Ireland.

We are also aware that banking is a reserved matter, and it is the Government's responsibility to ensure that such initiatives and schemes are equally effective in all parts of the United Kingdom. We need more clarity and greater transparency from the banks. There is little doubt that the cost and conditions that are now attached to credit are restricting demand from business. Many companies have decided to reduce their debt levels and are delaying investment projects because of the uncertainty in the economy at this time.

The Government's funding for lending scheme has met with support from our four main banks, but we have to remember that three of those banks are based outside of the United Kingdom and so are not under obligation to operate the scheme. However, our Finance Minister has told us that the Financial Secretary to the Treasury has committed to monitoring the participation of the scheme in Northern Ireland. There is no doubt that there are long-standing gaps in finance, and the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Investment has recently created several new loan funds. That, in itself, deserves credit.

The establishment of a new government-backed business bank is good news and has the potential to change things. Part of its role will be to rationalise, improve and potentially have powers to manage the large multi-billion-pound portfolio of support that the Government provide. That would complement the private sector lending that was recently announced. The final details are due this month.

We need a satisfactory resolution to corporation tax. The devolution of that tax could create 50,000 to 60,000 jobs for Northern Ireland. We need to increase exports and assist small and medium-sized businesses to enter the export market. We need to ensure that our young people have the education and skills to compete in the current environment, and we need to encourage savers to save. In short, we need to use every tool at our disposal to develop our economy and to ensure prosperity for the people of Northern Ireland.

Dominic Bradley (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Go raibh míle maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. Tá áthas orm páirt a ghlacadh sa díospóireacht thábhachtach seo faoi chúrsaí eacnamaíochta. I am pleased to participate in the debate on financing our business sector.

Growing local businesses is essential in Northern Ireland, but unemployment has risen by 19,000 people in the three years between July 2009 and 2012. That is a shocking statistic and one that we need to address in every possible way. A total of 23·5% of our 18- to 24-year-olds — that is 24,000 young people — are unemployed. The action taken by the ECB and the US Federal Reserve demonstrates that the crisis still exists in the global economy, and that makes it more difficult, but not impossible, for Northern Ireland companies to expand and increase trade.

Many of the smaller businesses in Northern Ireland were viable before the downturn and will be viable in years ahead. We need to ensure that they remain viable at this time, and we need to mitigate the current hardship to benefit the long-term health of the economy and ensure the survival of those companies. The SMEs need to expand, and, if they are to do that, they need strong support from the Executive and Invest Northern Ireland, and it is welcome that the Executive are making further funds available for those smaller companies.

The motion is useful, and I thank those who brought it forward today. However, it fails to acknowledge any responsibility in the Executive for job losses. Indeed, that is a wider trend in the Executive and an attempt to shift responsibility for job creation elsewhere. The Executive must acknowledge their responsibility in that respect, and perhaps the Minister will inform us on what progress has been made in reaching the targets set down in the Programme for Government.

It is very worrying that the Executive have no defined job creation or business finance strategies. We seem to add pieces on here and there as the need requires rather than plan ahead in a strategic fashion. It was also deeply worrying to hear Invest Northern Ireland display an attitude of resigned acceptance to the trend of jobs moving overseas. Invest NI should be sending a strong and confident message to Northern Ireland businesses and projecting a strong image of Northern Ireland overseas.

Mr Cree said that corporation tax has the potential to produce 50,000 to 60,000 new jobs. We need to keep pushing the British Government on that matter. Indeed, we need to go further. Other fiscal powers could be devolved to Northern Ireland, and we should establish a commission in the style of the Commission on Scottish Devolution to present to the London Government, on the basis of evidence, how such powers would provide the Executive with additional tools to encourage job creation, progressive taxation and the protection of the most vulnerable in our society.

The Executive refused adequately to fund the Northern Ireland Green New Deal Group. Its recommendations were estimated to have the potential to create up to 20,000 new jobs. I believe that that is regrettable. It is regrettable also that the Executive have failed to adequately progress proposals such as those outlined in the CBI, IOD, Chamber of Commerce and NIIRTA jobs plan.

Francie Molloy (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Bring your remarks to a close.

Dominic Bradley (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

The SDLP has produced a very useful document entitled 'Partnership and Economic Recovery'. I commend that document to the Minister.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this very important issue for Northern Ireland. There is absolutely no doubt that the economy must be the most important thing that we discuss in the Chamber. Of that, I have no doubt. With the economy comes prosperity, and that brings wealth to our people. It is very important that the Executive and the Minister engage in that vein.

(Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Dallat] in the Chair)

We have in our midst an economic strategy, within the year here. It is something that is tangible; it is not just a document. It is something that we must strive to complete. When I say "us" I mean the whole Assembly. This is the most important thing that faces our voters and constituents, and it is vitally important that each one of us — and each party in the Chamber — is dedicated to aiding the private sector grow more steadily than it has done.

Within the economic strategy we have ambitious targets for the performance of private sector exports. Over the next three years, we seek to grow the value of exports by some 20%. That is no mean feat, but it is one that should be in that document, and one we will strive to complete. That must be the centre of our ambitions. We need more of our firms in global markets. That is the long and short of it. Export, and export-led growth, is the one instrument that could well lead our Province out of recession.

I am very happy to announce that in north Antrim— and in Ballymena in particular — we are doing very well at the moment. I say that with some nervousness, because we all know how things can develop, but at the present we have great success and growth in Ballymena. We have tried to retain what we have, what we call the "big five": Michelin, JTI Gallagher, Wrightbus, Moy Park and Patton Group. They are major employers in the town. They bring employment not only to Ballymena, but to the whole of north Antrim and wider afield.

It is very important that the Executive and the Minister aid those firms. Some of them are global. The job losses at FG Wilson were referred to earlier. Sometimes, when firms go global, we lose control of our destiny. So it is very important that those companies are listened to and that they are aided as much as possible.

Incidentally, I congratulate Invest NI. I met with its officials yesterday in this Building. Invest NI has helped Wrightbus to develop its kits and to win a £41 million contract in Singapore. That is good news; that is strength, and it is what we have to believe in. I get down when I hear politicians talk negatively on the economy. We know where we are: no one knows that better than the business community. We can talk about it all we want, but we should be positive and we should talk about things that we can do to enhance the opportunities for business. We cannot lead business; business must lead itself. However, we must make sure that the runway for business to take off is there and that it is smooth.

If we are going to be negative, we should look at the banks and at what they have done over the past number of years. I will give just one example of that. If we look at the farming industry, we can see that the meal companies that provide the meal for producers and farmers have had the rug pulled from under their feet. That means that they cannot afford to give the producers and farmers the time and space they need when it comes to credit. It means that those in the farming community must go to their banks, where they are not getting a very sympathetic ear. I must give credit to the Minister of Finance and Personnel and the Enterprise, Trade and Investment Minister, who have gone to speak to the banks and who have, even in this very Chamber, slammed the banks for some of their practices as regards aiding growth.

We are doing some good things. I must commend the Minister again on the growth loan fund, which has been successfully launched and is being rolled out.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

The Member's time is almost up.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

It will bring benefits to a lot of our companies in Northern Ireland.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

The Member's time is up.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I certainly support the motion, but I plead with our Members to be as positive as possible when it comes to the economy.

Maeve McLaughlin (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I support the motion. It is critical that we have the time today to debate any opportunities for access to new finance or markets for our business community. It is unfortunate that we are having this debate today against the backdrop of another announcement about local job losses. I make particular reference to the 14 job losses in my constituency of Foyle today. I want to acknowledge the particular difficulties for those employees and their families at this juncture.

There is no doubt, as has been said, that there are particular underlying difficulties in our economy that need to be addressed; for example, the infrastructural deficit and corporation tax. Equally, there is no doubt that the current economic climate and associated factors have hit small and medium-sized enterprises especially hard. We must aim to ensure that we sustain the businesses that are already there and offset any potential job losses. That will include creating new investment and opportunities and training people in the skills that they will need.

The economic downturn has impacted on the levels of foreign investment. I am aware that, in 2010, there were only seven foreign direct investment visits to my constituency of Foyle. Therefore, it is even more important that, in the current conditions, small and medium-sized businesses and social economy enterprises are given the resources that they need to sustain themselves in the short term and to develop and grow in the longer term.

Banks, too, have a corporate responsibility to ensure that lending and borrowing facilities are accessible and available to keep SMEs and social economy enterprises going. Considering that it is our money that is being used to bail out the banks, it is important they and other lending institutions are continually reminded of their responsibility to assist recovery.

Dolores Kelly (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Upper Bann)

I thank the Member for giving way. She gave a list of responsibilities. Does she agree that it is imperative that a childcare strategy and affordable childcare are in place to help people and entrepreneurs to get into business? As for the infrastructural deficit, does she not also agree that investment in Magee university would transform her own constituency of Foyle?

Maeve McLaughlin (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

I thank the Member for her intervention, and, yes, of course I agree. As the Member may be aware, I referenced skills enhancement, and part of the discussion on that is around training and childcare and providing decent and adequate childcare facilities. The Member will also be aware that the expansion at Magee university is a central plank of the regeneration plan for the city and the entire north-west.

There are a number of business start-ups, as Members have said. A lot of them are doing very good work, but the problem is that there is a lack of assistance or self-help programmes designed to offer long-term, easy, accessible and ongoing advice. I believe that, if such services were available, we might see an increase in business success.

I particularly note, as the proposer of the motion mentioned, the disconnect that there often is between a funding body and a recipient. I believe that our SME sector needs to be assisted in accessing the money that will be available through new opportunities, particularly through new European funding streams and Horizon 2020. I urge the Minister to consider a technical assistance grant to allow our SMEs to access that much-needed funding.

Gordon Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this important issue. Given the global economic conditions in which we live, it is crucial that our local businesses are given every opportunity to access new markets and to maximise their access to finance.

Northern Ireland is made up mainly of a small number of large manufacturing and support businesses and many small to medium-sized enterprises, which form the backbone of our local economy. Their value should not be underestimated. It is vital that, in these difficult times, they are given as much support as possible in order to survive and be sustainable.

Given our geographical location and economic position, we are very reliant on our European export market, with nearly half of our £16 billion worth of exports going to the EU. Therefore, the ongoing instability and uncertainly in the euro zone will obviously have a knock-on effect for our local economy. It is, therefore, imperative that our businesses are given the opportunity to export beyond Europe and actively to look for and target new emerging markets.

The opening of a new in-market support office in Kurdistan in July this year, which was supported by our Minister, is a welcome development, and I trust that we will see similar openings elsewhere in the near future.

Sustaining and growing our private sector is the only realistic way to counter the downward economic turn. It is crucial that our existing businesses are supported and that new businesses are given every opportunity to start up.

Having spoken to several local businesspeople recently, I know that one of the issues they often flag up is the difficulty they encounter in trying to access funding. Access to finance is crucial for our economic recovery, and I feel that the red tape and bureaucracy that restricts access to finance makes things very difficult for some of our local firms that so desperately need financial assistance to survive. Invest NI initiatives, including the access to finance programme, are helping to boost business and allowing firms to access much-needed funding.

Recent data from the Ulster Bank showing figures from August reinforce the very challenging situation we find ourselves in, with local private sector outputs and new business falling. The report also shows business activity in the private sector decreasing for the ninth month in succession.

Research and development has an important role to play, particularly in our local manufacturing industry. During the recent inquiry into R&D by the Committee for Enterprise, Trade and Investment, the four main barriers to company innovation that were identified were the availability of finance, the cost of finance, the perceived economic risk and the cost of innovation. We need to look at ways to improve access to this important work in order to help our SMEs to develop for the future. EU funding is vital for the development of R&D for our businesses to enable them to stay ahead of the game.

Recent evidence sessions during the inquiry showed that framework programme 7 has proved most difficult and much too demanding for small and even medium-sized businesses. The new Horizon 2020 programme in Europe must be more accessible for SMEs and larger businesses to enable them to get funding for R&D in order to develop new products and survive in the world market.

I know that a lot of hard work has been done to date by our Executive and our Minister in helping to improve our local business sector in these difficult times. I encourage them to continue with that work to ensure that our local businesses have the best possible support network in place as we seek to rebuild and rebalance our local economy. I support the motion.

Phil Flanagan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Éirím chun tacaíocht a thabhairt don rún tábhachtach seo.

First, I echo the sentiments of Robin Newton. He spoke some time ago and positively praised the ongoing work of the Minister, her Department and Invest NI. He spent a good five minutes doing that, and two of his counterparts have since joined him. Perhaps that is an indication of the DUP operating more closely with the UUP — plenty of talking but not a pile of saying anything.

It is, however, good to hear an acknowledgement from the opposite Benches that the free market has failed, rampant capitalism is not the way forward and that, sometimes, government interventions in the market are required. This is a forward step, and it will be welcomed.

It is interesting to see a much-reduced turnout in the Chamber compared with that for previous debates, particularly when you note the absence of those who have —

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

Will the Member give way?

Phil Flanagan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I will, yes.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

If the Member feels that the free market economy has failed, perhaps he would highlight one based on a communist or strongly socialist system that would be a better example for us to follow.

Phil Flanagan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Member for his intervention. Perhaps the next time that Mr Wells comes into the Chamber, Mr Newton will turn round and ask him how he thinks that he will get on with his trip to Cuba. [Laughter.] It is interesting to note the much-reduced turnout in the Chamber when we debate a very important and timely matter. Many Members who have criticised the debating of pointless motions in the Chamber are not here to listen to an important one. I take this opportunity to thank the Members of the Alliance Party for tabling it.

Many of the main points have been made, and I will not rehash any of them. However, the motion states that actions have been taken:

"to help stabilise the global economy".

It notes the opportunities that this presents for local industries to expand and local companies to increase exports. As most of our exported goods and services remain within the European Union, we are very reliant on economic growth across the EU for such expansion. However, as the failed policies of austerity continue to be pushed forward by euro zone Finance Ministers, that surge in growth will not happen. EU Ministers have clearly made shoring up the banks their main priority while the need to create employment has played second fiddle.

I think that we all agree that it is important to ensure that businesses are connected efficiently to funding sources and that their use is maximised, and we would all say that improvements have been made in recent years —

Dolores Kelly (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Upper Bann)

I thank the Member for giving way. Does the Member agree that investment in the construction industry would affect all our constituencies? Is he not, therefore, disappointed at the continued delay in investment in our school estate?

Phil Flanagan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I thank the Member for her intervention. That was her second intervention and quite a good one, so I encourage her to put her name down if she wants to take part in a debate, because that is the way that it should work.

The SDLP came up with proposals for a green new deal, and I agree that it should have gone forward. There should be capital investment in our schools and other types of investment. The SDLP then commended its policy paper to the House, but that was maybe three years ago, and it has not been updated to reflect our current situation.

Further steps can be taken to improve the availability of finance streams to local businesses. Accessing credit is one of the four key pillars of a properly functioning enterprise sector. The others are reducing the cost base to a business; ensuring that there is not over-regulation or an abundance of red tape; and ensuring that there is adequate demand for the goods and services produced. Access to credit is vital to the success not only of individual businesses but the entire economy. It is, therefore, imperative that progress is made on the matter. I support the motion and the ongoing efforts of the Minister and her team to improve the situation.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis na Comhaltaí as ucht an seans a thabhairt dúinn an t-ábhar iontach tábhachtach seo a phlé. Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, and I thank my colleagues for introducing the motion.

It is very important that we always keep a sharp focus on economic matters. That becomes even more important as we think of the young people who, day and daily, leave our shores for places such as Australia. Our future should not be exported; it should be encouraged and kept in Ireland — that is the important bit. We welcome the motion and the opportunity to debate the measures required to build a sustainable economic recovery. However, despite the comments on the actions that have been taken to help stabilise the global economy, it is not at all clear that optimism can be justified. There is still a lot to be done and a good way to go before it can be said that the worst is behind us or that we can start putting it behind us.

Members will have seen the figures detailing the fall in exports across many sectors in 2010, including, indeed, manufacturing and some of our service sectors. The construction sector was mentioned, as was the necessity for investment to ensure that that particular sector, in which many of our constituents are employed, is supported and developed.

In Europe, unemployment continues to be a worry. It is now at a high of 11·4% across the euro zone and at 10·5% in the whole of the EU, with youth unemployment in particular a serious concern. There are crises in Greece, Spain and elsewhere, and the future for the euro zone remains uncertain, as does the political future of the union itself. However, it is for member states to stabilise that and to make sure that we have stability and that any growth is based on that stability.

We have seen mixed signals so far in local businesses accessing new markets around the world. We need to see that growth, particularly in the EU. Whenever I am out and about — I am sure that this is the case for other Members — I speak to businesses. One issue that comes up, which has also come up at the Committee with the Minister, is access to clear, intelligible information about the funding that is available to support small and medium-sized enterprises. That is a key issue. I was heartened to see that someone new has been appointed in INI to deal with that issue — eventually, many might argue. We have our centre in Europe, and new staff were appointed there about six months ago. I am sure that the centre is doing a good job, and I have every confidence in the ability of some of the staff to do a good job. It is crucial that a free flow of information comes from that centre in Europe to our businesses, because it is a well-known fact that the rest of the island of Ireland was very good at snapping up EU funding to underpin many projects when this part certainly was not.

Invest NI continues to contribute to our current level of exports through its various funds, with its client companies accounting in 2010 for 82·6%, or £198·5 million, of total exports in the high-export potential group and the value of exports with that.

We heard the green new deal mentioned, and it is important that we dwell on it. Having looked at the economic analysis of the green new deal, I can see that one of its alleged weaknesses is its capacity to realise further supporting funding. That was the claimed weakness, but it remains to be seen whether that is right or wrong. At Thursday's Enterprise, Trade and Investment Committee meeting, however, members put through empowering legislation to make sure that, when the green investment bank is fully up and running — hopefully, that will not be too long — it will be there to support people, who will be able to avail themselves of it and draw down funding. We will see many people who are currently employed or unemployed in the construction sector being able to realise new potential of investment in homes, renewables and energy projects. In many ways, that can all realise a number of factors: first, they can deal with fuel poverty; secondly, they can lead to better health circumstances in people's homes; —

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Draw your remarks to a close please.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

— thirdly, they can create jobs; and, finally, they can see us reducing our carbon emissions. Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I am sure that we could debate this much longer and add many more issues, but —

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

No, your time is up.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I thank the Members for introducing the motion.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

When I look at the motion, the first point that intrigues me about it is the unquestioning lauding of the European Central Bank. As I look across Europe, my conclusion is that the actions and inactions of the ECB have been as much part of the problem as they have been part of the solution. In fact, the financial instability across Europe, and wider, I would have thought, has been exacerbated by the ECB's failure to deal with the euro zone contagion. We have seen it move from one country to another, courtesy of the ECB's policies. Therefore, for the Alliance Party to begin its motion by lauding the recent actions of the ECB is akin to lauding a company that specialises in home security yet has presided over record levels of break-ins. It is farcical to think that the ECB has made a positive contribution. The crisis has dragged on and on, and it has morphed into increasingly bizarre outcomes. It is clear to me that one of the central culprits is the ECB itself.

Joe Byrne (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

Will the Member accept that Northern Rock was the first bank that caused the major banking crisis, and it is in the jurisdiction of the Treasury?

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

It is, but I am talking about something that is capable of affecting the global state of our economy. In due time, Northern Rock has returned to the private sector, but its collapse is nothing compared with the global impact of the ECB's bungling.

The ECB alone has the currency-issuing capacity to provide sufficient demand to allow economies to grow, and the crisis in Europe, if not that across the world, is about lack of growth. The bond markets would not be picking off one country after another if those were economies in growth. Therefore, we have to look at how the ECB has helped or hindered. It chose — deliberately — to inflict a negative growth strategy on the region. It forced fiscal austerity, which is very good in its own place, on the weakest economies, guaranteeing that the crisis would morph into a full-blown problem. I think that the fault there lies with the German-based and German-orientated ECB.

Now, although the ECB declared its willingness to buy unlimited volumes of government debt, it will do so only if the member states are in depression. It is not a rescue plan at all. Therefore, when you look at the global context, the last people that the motion should be lauding are those in the ECB.

That having been said, let us be a little more parochial for a moment. As Mr Frew pointed out, in my constituency of North Antrim, we have some great gems of industry. Long may they be with us, and may we be spared from the globalisation attraction of some of them to elsewhere. However, for small and medium-sized businesses, two things concern me. A couple of months ago, I asked the Minister for figures on the amount of money from start-up funds that was going to my constituency. Out of the £7·5 million from Invest NI's access to finance strategy, a derisory, negligible £43,000 of the Northern Ireland spin-out funds had gone to North Antrim, and nothing at all at that stage had gone there from Co-Fund NI.

I heard another Member question whether there is equality of access to funds across Northern Ireland . It can be said that you have to apply, but Invest NI has a bounden duty to encourage, nurture, mentor and make sure that applications are brought along.

Is that happening equitably?

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Bring your remarks to a close, please.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I ask that in the context of the fact that I discovered not so long ago that, in the past five years, there had been but two, if I recall correctly —

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

The Member's time is up.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

— visits to north Antrim by foreign companies brought by Invest NI, looking to invest in the area. Two in five years.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I call the Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

So, we need some equity across the area.

Arlene Foster (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I very much welcome the debate and congratulate the Members who brought the motion to the Assembly. I agree that we must exploit every opportunity for businesses, however large or small, to access new markets and finance to help them survive and grow. That is precisely what the Executive have stated in their economic strategy and Programme for Government.

I was a little surprised to hear Mr Bradley say that we do not have a strategy for job creation. He then went on to ask me whether I was on track with my targets. If I have targets, they must be in a strategy somewhere, so that does not follow at all. For his information, Invest Northern Ireland and I are on target in relation to the targets set by the Executive.

We have placed the economy at the top of our agenda, recognising that economic conditions globally remain very challenging. We heard from many Members about the difficulties in Europe, and I commend Mr Allister for addressing the issues surrounding the European Central Bank. I think that discussion about that issue was lacking in today's debate, and it is one that we could have taken much further.

The core of the motion is this: we are very reliant on global forces because we are an exporting region. We need to export our goods, and, therefore, we need to look outwards and to what is happening in Europe, which, at present, is our largest export location, and to emerging markets where we want to see more exports going.

Recently, the head of the International Monetary Fund has warned that, although the world economy is still expected to experience a gradual recovery this year, growth will be weaker than predicted due to continued worries about the euro zone and, indeed, the US economy that are dragging down investor confidence. In recent months, measures have been taken to try to deal with stability in the euro zone and the United States. The Federal Reserve has announced that it will keep interest rates low until at least mid-2015 and embark on a further round of spending of some $40 billion a month until unemployment is significantly reduced. I hope that we will see some stability and, indeed, increased consumer confidence in two of our key trading markets.

At the UK level, we have not experienced a sustained recovery but have re-entered recession earlier this year. I very much welcome the fact that, from figures announced today, it is clear that the third quarter has been more positive for the United Kingdom economy.

Our Executive strategy, published alongside our Programme for Government in March and unanimously endorsed by the Assembly, set out what we are going to do to try to increase the competitiveness of our economy. Members will recall that the economic strategy very clearly put export-led economic growth at the centre of our ambitions. It also recognised that, in order to grow our economy and deliver prosperity and employment, we must rebalance our local economy so that it is characterised by a sustainable and growing private sector where more firms compete successfully in global markets.

Joe Byrne (Social Democratic and Labour Party, West Tyrone)

I thank the Minister for giving way. Does she accept that the local enterprise agency network across Northern Ireland has made a very significant contribution to the development of many SMEs? Will she give serious consideration to using that network in the future in order to provide some sort of risk-capital finance for would-be local businesses?

Arlene Foster (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I do indeed recognise that contribution. Actually, we announced Enterprise Northern Ireland as the subcontractor under the small loan fund. It has subcontracted from the Ulster Community Investment Trust (UCIT), which was awarded the tender to run the programme. So, the Member will see Enterprise NI acting as an agent for small businesses across Northern Ireland, particularly in relation to that fund.

Half of our manufacturing exports in 2010-11 came from non-UK-owned firms. In the Republic of Ireland in 2010, over two thirds of Irish exports came from foreign direct investors as well as clients of the IDA. We have set ambitious targets for the export performance of our private sector over the next three years. As we all know, we want to grow it by 20%. To do that, however, we recognise that we must increase the number of our enterprises that export and seek to widen our export focus by supporting our existing exporters as they seek to enter those all-important new markets.

To help to deliver on looking at new markets, we have been strategically assessing the markets and sectors that offer local companies the greatest opportunities to grow and diversify into new markets. In doing so, we also have to reflect — I was glad that this was mentioned — on the outcome of the Treasury work to help to rebalance our economy. As recognised in our strategy, the rebalancing of the economy will be achieved only over the longer term. Although the measures we have put in place will make our economy more competitive, I remain firmly of the view that securing the power to vary the rate of corporation tax has the ability to transform the local economy and help to boost exports and wealth creation.

I found it a little strange to hear Mr Flanagan talk about socialism and extol its benefits when his party is supporting us in supporting the reduction in corporation tax. Is that not in support of a free market as well?

It is not through just direct export support or increased FDI that we will deliver on our export targets. All aspects of the economic strategy have the ultimate goal of supporting and growing our export base. Investments in research and development and the skills base are not ends in their own right. We undertake such investments because we firmly believe that firms and economies that invest in research and development and skills and their economic infrastructure are much more successful in export markets. Mr Frew and Mr Allister mentioned Wrightbus. That is a perfect example of investing in research and development and how that benefits that company. We saw that with its £41 million export deal to Singapore, which came directly from work that the company carried out with Invest Northern Ireland in research and development.

We recognise that success in the exports market is crucial to the growth of our economy. We need to strengthen those trade links and tap into new markets. I have just returned from a visit last week to San Francisco that sought to boost trade and investment links with the Silicon Valley region. I was in Erbil, in Kurdistan, in July to open a new office and sign a memorandum of understanding with the Kurdistan regional government that will strengthen trade links and define areas of co-operation between our two regions. In April, the First Minister and deputy First Minister and I were in the Middle East and India. We met companies and political leaders, again trying to push out into those new areas where, we believe, there are opportunities. So, to grow our economy and create jobs, it is important that we continue to develop relationships with countries such as India and in the Middle East. Building on that work, I will participate in a forthcoming trade mission to China. A couple of months ago, I spoke at a "Doing business in the Gulf States" seminar at which over 70 companies heard about the opportunities in that region. This morning, I spoke at a "Doing business in Hong Kong" event. We are trying very much to bring Northern Ireland companies together and alert them to the range of support available to help them to exploit those opportunities.

I heard Mrs Cochrane and, I think, Ms McLaughlin, say that we need to do more to let people know what is available to them. We are doing more than we have ever done to do that. In relation to Horizon 2020, we have a new website. We have just appointed somebody in DETI to take forward that work, Dr Stratton. We have somebody from Invest Northern Ireland in our Brussels office. MLAs need to play their part to let companies in their regions know what is available to them. I am happy to work with MLAs and to give them all the information that they need to do just that. We are also encouraging more companies to export through advice and consultancy support for new exporters to help them to develop the necessary exporting skills.

Of course, the key element of the motion is access to finance. Having a local banking sector that meets the needs of consumers, obviously, and businesses by providing bank lending on a competitive basis to local SMEs is absolutely vital to economic recovery. I have often said in this place that the banks have not stepped up to the mark in that regard. We have repeatedly spoken to the banks about what they need to do for businesses here. I fully appreciate that the wider context is difficult and that the global financial crisis has resulted in less money being available for lending. However, a situation in which lending is so severely constrained that it prevents viable local firms accessing the working capital and growth finance that they need is simply unacceptable.

Access to finance and bank lending to SMEs is obviously a national issue; it is not just a Northern Ireland problem. However, Mr Cree made the point that we have a more complex situation here than in other parts of the United Kingdom. The structure of our banking sector is fundamentally different from that in the rest of the UK given the degree of foreign ownership. In addition, our property exposure in Northern Ireland has left our banking sector very severely constrained.

We will continue to push the banks to see what more they can do. Indeed, the Finance Minister continues to meet the banks very frequently. He has expressed serious concerns about the effectiveness of past initiatives in Northern Ireland and national initiatives that have come to Northern Ireland. Mr McKay mentioned the funding for lending scheme that was launched in August this year, which is a government-backed bank that was announced by the Business Secretary, Vince Cable. I am pleased that one of our firms has received funding under that scheme through the Ulster Bank. Mr McKay asked which banks are taking up the scheme. To my knowledge, only the Ulster Bank has taken up the scheme at this point. It remains, of course, to be seen how the scheme is implemented. The Finance Minister will press for it to be constructed in such a way that it will be open to smaller regional banks such as ours. We will keep very close to Treasury and give it feedback on how the scheme is working.

As was mentioned many times throughout the debate, through Invest Northern Ireland we have an access to finance initiative. That is a suite of support that totals more than £100 million to help firms of all sizes and at all stages. On Mr Allister's point about NISPO fund and Co-Fund NI, I suggest to him that businesses in north Antrim will certainly be able to apply to the growth loan fund and the small business loan fund. They may be more applicable than the NISPO fund and Co-Fund, which are more specialised in what they have to offer.

I was pleased that the growth loan fund recently announced that it had made its first loan and that it has a strong pipeline of businesses seeking support. It is also pleasing, as I have already indicated, that the small business loan fund will be operational as soon as all the FSA approvals are in place. The NISPO fund has been operational since 2009, and the Co-Fund has been operational since 2011. In addition to those, Invest NI plans to bring forward two £30 million development funds so that it plugs the gap that it sees in Northern Ireland.

I recognise that it is not always easy to pinpoint the specific difficulties in access to funding and the practical steps that can be taken to overcome them. That is why I have asked the economic advisory group to carry out a review that will detail the funds, the programme and the support available to businesses. It will identify any gaps in current provision and make recommendations on how the situation might be improved. Given the funds that we have put in place, the economic advisory group's work is very timely. I look forward to receiving the report.

We have a strategy in place to help us to deal with the difficulties in front of us. Where we can accelerate implementation, we will, of course, do that. Where we can identify new initiatives to support business and grow the economy, we will also do that. The important point is that the economic strategy is not set in stone; it is a living document, which I think was Mr Frew's point. It will continue to evolve, and through close co-operation with the Committee for Enterprise, Trade and Investment and the Chair of the Committee —

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

The Minister's time is up.

Arlene Foster (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

— we can make the economic strategy work for everybody in Northern Ireland.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I thank my colleague Judith Cochrane for tabling the motion. It is clear that, by doing so, she is trying to set out ideas on how the Assembly can work to ensure that our targets in the economic strategy are met. I welcome the opportunity to make the winding-up speech. I will make some comments after I have gone through Members' contributions.

I think that, overwhelmingly, Members positively support the Minister's work on these matters, and there was general support across the broad political spectrum in the Chamber for her work. That support came, clearly, from Mr Newton and even from Mr McKay. I was somewhat uncertain about what Mr Cree was trying to tell us when he said that he had some difficulty understanding the motion. No one else in the Chamber seemed to have any difficulty, and all Members who contributed to the debate did so in a very important way.

Leslie Cree (UUP, North Down)

Will the Member give way?

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Yes.

Leslie Cree (UUP, North Down)

Perhaps the Member will tell us exactly what the point about the benefits of the Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank is.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Perhaps the Member will tell us what his plan B is. Indeed, it is sad that his leader is not here to explain that plan B to us I would have thought that the two major planks of the global economy were fairly self-evident to anyone who is trying to understand how we got into the recession. We all know how we got into it, and we are now trying to work to get out of it. Even Mr Allister was very helpful with his comments and insight into the ECB and the political difficulties. Having been a Member of the European Parliament, he has a better insight into that than, perhaps, many in the Chamber.

Members commented on a range of issues that affected their constituencies and the economy. However, one clear message came through from all the comments: quite simply, there is a need to ensure that there are appropriate finances to allow small and medium-sized enterprises and others to place their business aggressively onto a solid financial footing to allow them to move forward. Clear reference was also made to global companies operating in Northern Ireland and how they should be sustained.

Interestingly, although Members criticised the banks, no one referred to the improvements that have taken place. I am certainly not an apologist for the banks, but improvements have taken place, even in the banking sector. A piece of research concluded that 61% of businesses in Northern Ireland are accessing appropriate bank financing; Members were obviously asleep when that report was referred to on Radio Ulster this morning. There is some satisfaction, which is improving.

Other Members referred to their constituency. I have a particular interest in East Antrim, where the Minister and others have worked very hard with FG Wilson to deal with the issues there. We have a skilled workforce, and we have to see those skills diverted into other jobs and businesses that are looking for those skills.

We are all clearly in agreement that we need to grow the private sector in Northern Ireland. That is how we will generate wealth and increase employment opportunities for everyone in this society. The need for a strong export focus has been referred to throughout the debate, and we need companies that can compete on an international stage. However, companies can compete on that international stage only if they have access to appropriate finance and, in the first instance, if they have access to information about how they can get that finance. The Minister made it clear this morning that, through INI and other agencies, she is working to ensure that the information stream is available, whether on websites or through direct advisers.

This is a challenging task given the ongoing international economic difficulties, but the people of Northern Ireland, our business leaders, our workforce and our entrepreneurs are able to rise to the challenge. The Assembly and Executive have a clear duty to support them. It is clearly part of the Programme for Government that we should stand firmly behind businesses in Northern Ireland and create the appropriate incentives and conditions to encourage a dynamic, high-growth, sustainable economy.

Our economy has to be responsive and resilient to changes in technology, the global economy and population changes. It is important that we acknowledge any shortcomings, but we also need to make sure that, where practical, we send out a relentlessly positive message. There have been recent positive developments in the economy in Northern Ireland. We no longer have the lowest GDP per capita in the UK; the percentage of UK jobs created in Northern Ireland is more than double our percentage of the UK population; and, in software and IT and per capita foreign direct investment we are running at twice the rate of either London or Manchester. There are positives coming out of Northern Ireland, and every Member in the Chamber has a duty to support that.

Conall McDevitt (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I appreciate the Member's giving way. Although I share the idea of being relentlessly positive, there is also a need to be positively honest. The facts are that our economic performance is not good, youth unemployment is rocketing and we are failing as an Executive and Assembly to respond strategically. We will continue to fail if we have debates that deny the inaction at the heart of our Executive on the basic issue of job creation.

Arlene Foster (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

It is a good job you are in for the debate.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I thank the Member for his intervention. The Minister has, I think, commented from a sedentary position that the Member should bring that debate. I encourage him to do so, because I can be positive on those aspects as well. Of course, I am not denying that there is unemployment and that it is a serious issue. I am not denying that the banks have not been co-operating, but I am saying that we have an economic strategy that takes into account all those issues. One reason for the good supply of graduates — I compliment Dr Farry on his work — is the contribution of our universities and education system to providing people with an appropriate education. However, even there, all is not perfect.

Colum Eastwood (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Will the Member give way?

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Yes, I will.

Colum Eastwood (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Does the Member agree that it is difficult for a city such as Derry to develop its economy without a properly sized university? We have around 3,000 full-time students when we need 10,000. Does the Member agree that his Minister should do much more to develop the university at Magee?

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I suggest to the Member that the Minister has been doing an excellent job in providing places for universities. That allows students to take the appropriate courses in the appropriate places on multiple sites across Northern Ireland, including Magee. We cannot all have everything.

We are extremely proud of our globally competitive companies such as Bombardier, Almac and Wrightbus, but the weaknesses in the local economy are how little we export; the fact that research and development activity relies heavily on a handful of firms; and the fact that many small and medium-sized enterprises are plagued by low productivity and a lack of competitiveness. However, these issues are being addressed. My colleague Judith Cochrane —

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Member for giving way, I appreciate it. I also appreciate how all that the Member has said in the House today has had a positive slant. It is vital that MLAs have that positive slant. We all know the issues and problems, and those in business know them better than anyone. We do not need to keep on echoing the problems; we need to sell Northern Ireland and be positive when speaking here. I ask Mr McDevitt whether he thinks it in order for someone who has not heard the debate to come into the Chamber and comment on it. Some of the positives are the fact that, after London, Belfast is the most attractive UK city for FDI, particularly in technology and financial services. In the past three years, Northern Ireland, with 2·8% of the population, has won 7% of the FDI that has been attracted to the UK. Belfast is now among the top 10 cities globally for financial technology investments and is ahead of Dublin, Glasgow, Toronto and even Bangalore. [Interruption.]

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Order. The Member's time is running out. That was a lengthy intervention.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I will return to the debate in hand, Mr Deputy Speaker. I am sure that the two Members concerned can have their debate elsewhere.

There is an important message to be sent out from the Assembly today. Too often, the criticism has been made of the Assembly that we have not been concentrating on the issues that affect people in their homes and lives and in developing their children or on providing for a stable economy in Northern Ireland in the future. Today is one of those days when we have been able to see and hear the positive side of developing in Northern Ireland.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

The Member must bring his remarks to a close.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

We must take advantage of the opportunities that arise. We need to think about the strategies that have gone before, and we need to learn the lessons of the past.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

The Member's time is up.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly notes the recent action taken by the European Central Bank and the US Federal Reserve to help stabilise the global economy and the opportunities that this presents for Northern Ireland companies to expand and to increase exports; recognises the continuing problems of small and medium-sized enterprises accessing bank lending; further notes the availability of several significant sources of business finance; and calls on the Executive to use their influence to ensure that businesses are connected efficiently to these funding sources and that their use is maximised.

The sitting was suspended at 12.26 pm.

On resuming (Mr Deputy Speaker [Mr Beggs] in the Chair) —

Oral Answers to Questions

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

I advise Members that questions 1 and 3 have been withdrawn.

Karen McKevitt (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

2. asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the development of a child poverty action plan. (AQO 2558/11-15)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

In developing a child poverty action plan, Departments have been asked to bring forward a small number of high-level strategic actions that will contribute to the objectives of the child poverty strategy. Those actions are in addition to the work that Departments are already undertaking to address child poverty. Through our strategy framework, Delivering Social Change, we are focused on developing a child poverty outcomes model that will reflect the separate inputs of all Departments. The junior Ministers recently had a series of bilateral meetings with our ministerial colleagues to promote the development of the outcomes model.

As part of the ongoing work, we recently commissioned the Children's Bureau NI and the Centre for Excellence and Outcomes in Children and Young People's Services (C4EO) to support Departments in developing the most effective model possible. As part of the first phase of that work, the Children's Bureau and the Centre for Excellence and Outcomes in Children and Young People's Services, in conjunction with Mark Friedman, director of the Fiscal Policy Studies Institute (FPSI) in New Mexico, delivered a workshop last Monday to the Delivering Social Change programme board. The junior Ministers met Mr Friedman after the workshop to discuss further his work regarding an outcomes-based model and to hear the benefits of using such an approach.

For all of us, the objective is to see a sustained reduction in poverty and the associated issues across all ages and an improvement in children and young people's health, well-being and life opportunities, thereby breaking the long-term cycle of multigenerational problems.

Karen McKevitt (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

I thank the Minister for his reply. Given that 28% of children in the North now live in poverty and we are the only devolved area in which child poverty is rising, will he now recognise the need to set our own independent targets to measure the challenge and meet it effectively?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The targets are there, and they are very clear. The Child Poverty Act 2010 sets out targets against which the success of the strategy will be measured. The targets are to reduce relative low income, which means that fewer than 10% of children should live in a household in which income is less than 60% of the median, and to reduce combined low income and material deprivation, which means that fewer than 5% of children should live in a household in which income is less than 70% of the median and there is material deprivation. There is a range of targets. Revising targets or setting new ones will not necessarily make it easier for us to meet the challenges that are clearly there to bring about a reduction in child poverty. What is clear from the approach that we have taken is that Delivering Social Change offers us the opportunity to take a range of focused measures.

As I said in my initial answer, the junior Ministers met all the Departments to ensure that we moving forward in a joined-up way. The Programme for Government includes a range of focused, OFMDFM-led cross-cutting initiatives that seek to place a particular focus on deprivation and on children and young people. That includes the delivery of £40 million of social investment fund capital expenditure to address dereliction and promote investment in the physical regeneration of deprived areas; £40 million of social investment fund resource expenditure to improve pathways to employment, tackle systemic issues linked to deprivation and increase community services; and a range of measures to tackle poverty and social inclusion, including a child poverty action plan and compliance with —

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

The Minister's time is almost up.

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

— the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a fhreagra. Does the Minister believes that the introduction of the Welfare Reform Act in England and the introduction of the Bill here will have an impact on the Executive's ability to address child poverty?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

It is too early to assess the full impact of any welfare reform legislation on families and children here. There are concerns, given the forecasts in a number of recent reports by the Institute for Fiscal Studies and the Joseph Rowntree Foundation. We also have to take it into consideration that the coalition Government at Westminster have frozen child benefit, reduced housing benefit, cut maternity grants, reduced childcare subsidies and frozen or cut working families' tax credit. All of that will have an impact on our ability to address child poverty, and it is in that vein that we are seeking to ensure that we take whatever steps are available to us to ameliorate the worst aspects of welfare reform.

Leslie Cree (UUP, North Down)

I thank the deputy First Minister for his responses. He mentioned the social investment fund (SIF), which could play a big part in tackling child poverty. Has that £80 million been allocated?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As people know, the aim of the fund is to address poverty, unemployment and dereliction, as I said. Our Executive agreed their final operation on 17 May 2012. As a result, SIF will operate across nine identified zones, with a cross-sectoral steering group being established in each zone to develop a strategic area plan.

It is not intended that all areas in a zone will benefit, and to ensure that funding is targeted at all areas of need the following eligibility criteria will be applied. The areas targeted will be those in the top 10% of the most deprived super output areas in the multiple deprivation measure 2010; those in the top 20% of the most deprived super output areas in the key domains of income, employment, education and health; and those that can provide independently verified and robust evidence of objective need linked to the four strategic objectives of the social investment fund. We are in the process of finalising steering group membership and expect to be in a position to publish details in the coming days.

We also recognise that it is important to spend the money in the right way. There may be some concern about the slowness this year to spend the type of money that we originally targeted. However, all of that money will still go into the social investment fund and will be spent in a way that ensures that we get the best result.

Obviously, tackling child poverty is a huge priority for the Executive, and we recognise that we can use the funds available to us. Separate from that, over the next few days, there will be significant announcements on how funds can be applied in the here and now, as opposed to waiting for next year. People should keep their ears to the news over the next few days, because there will be important announcements that Members will find positive.

William Humphrey (DUP, Belfast North)

4. asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the Programme for Government commitment to extend age discrimination legislation to the provision of goods and services. (AQO 2560/11-15)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Anti-discrimination legislation in relation to age is limited to the fields of employment, vocational training and further and higher education. The Programme for Government commitment to extend age discrimination legislation to the provision of goods, facilities and services will require new legislation to be taken through the Assembly. Prior to a new Bill being introduced in the Assembly, there are a considerable number of steps that have to be taken to ensure that the legislation achieves its intended outcome. That involves a period of detailed policy development, and that is the stage that we are now at. Over the next few months, we will be working with our officials, other Departments, the OFMDFM Committee and the Executive to finalise this stage of policy development in preparation for the consultation stage. It is our intention that the public consultation on legislation to combat age discrimination in goods, facilities and services will take place early in 2013. Following analysis of the consultation responses, the Bill will progress through the required Assembly stages, and we aim to have the legislation in place during the latter part of 2014-15. That is in line with the commitment in the Programme for Government.

William Humphrey (DUP, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for his answer. Will he give a commitment to the House that there will be no delay in the procession of that legislation and that it will deal simply with adults to ensure that we have the statute in place as soon as possible?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As far as we are concerned, there will be no delay. There will be many different opinions on how we take this forward. From the perspective of the Executive and the Programme for Government commitment that we have put before the House, we absolutely expect to keep to the timetable that we have outlined.

Bronwyn McGahan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat. Does the deputy First Minister believe that young people under the age of 18 should be included in the scope of the proposed legislation?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

As I said, there will be different opinions about this. Consideration is being given to whether young people under 18 years of age should be included in the scope of the legislation. I am sure that the Member, like all of us, would not want to see anyone, including young people, discriminated against. That will have to be agreed, and, as I said, we have not come to any final decision on that.

Dolores Kelly (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Upper Bann)

Will the single equality Bill be introduced in this mandate?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The question is outside the limits of the question that Mr Humphrey posed a number of minutes ago. The issue of a single equality Bill would have to be agreed by the Executive, and, thus far, we have not received any indication whatsoever that agreement on that is imminent.

Ian McCrea (DUP, Mid Ulster)

5. asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the cohesion, sharing and integration strategy. (AQO 2561/11-15)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The First Minister and I remain committed to building a united and shared community by continuing to improve community relations across our society. Bringing forward a robust community relations strategy with a clear framework for action will be a critical part of achieving our vision of a better future for everyone. We very much recognise the importance of translating the Executive's commitment into clear, meaningful action, and we have asked the cross-party working group to conclude its work on developing the strategy as a matter of urgency. We expect to receive a report from the working group in the coming weeks, which will allow a final strategy and high-level action plan to be published shortly thereafter.

Ian McCrea (DUP, Mid Ulster)

Will the deputy First Minister not accept that his actions and, indeed, those of another Minister from his party in attending a parade in Dungiven do not do anything to help to build community relations? Will he accept that that needs to be addressed?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I am an Irish republican, and I am privileged and honoured to attend Irish republican commemorations. All the commemorations that I attend receive clearance from the police and the Parades Commission, and I am only interested in attending commemorations that are within the law. It is absolutely vital that all Members recognise that we have to abide by the rule of law, and, as I have said in interviews in recent weeks, people need to abide by the determinations of the Parades Commission. The last thing that we need on our streets is contention and conflict. From first-hand experience, I know how damaging that can be to our efforts to attract foreign direct investment. Priorities need to be got right, and we need to recognise that we are in the face of one the worst economic crises that the world has seen. As an Executive, we have a job to battle against that and to provide jobs for our young people and to provide services for our people. We can only do that if we do so against the backdrop of a peaceful environment. In the past couple of years, the First Minster and I have brought in more foreign direct investment jobs than at any other time in the history of the state. We can only do that if we can portray to the world that the peace process is moving forward and continuing. The last things that we need are setbacks, such as those that we have seen in the past couple of weeks.

Megan Fearon (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Go raibh maith agat. Has the decade of centenaries been raised during the CSI process?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The decade of centenaries was raised during the public consultation on the cohesion, sharing and integration strategy. The potential impact of the decade of centenaries is one of the issues that is under consideration by the cross-party working group in the context of finalising the cohesion, sharing and integration strategy.

Commemorative anniversaries undoubtedly can influence wider relations in the community and are closely linked with issues of cultural expression and shared heritage. We clearly recognise that the decade of centenaries that we have now entered presents a challenge to all of us and highlights the need for a mature and balanced approach. We are committed to providing the necessary leadership through the Executive to ensure that anniversaries are marked in a reflective, inclusive and responsible way.

There is a big challenge, and, as we have seen from the events of the past couple of weeks, there have been some initial difficulties. I hope that we can overcome those. We can only do it through being mature, not using intemperate language and recognising that, as we move forward, we have a duty and responsibility to the people we represent to ensure that the anniversaries are dealt with in a respectful way. For me, it comes down to people showing good manners and respect for each other and recognising that the last thing that we need, as an Executive, is any circumstance that brings people onto the streets to engage in acts of violence. That is totally detrimental to our economic strategies as we move forward.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

I ask Members not to engage in loud conversations. It is distracting to me and other Members. If you wish to have conversations, please leave the Chamber.

Chris Lyttle (Alliance, Belfast East)

Will any new framework for dealing with parades and protests be included in the forthcoming CSI strategy?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

It was unfortunate that the Alliance Party, which in its contributions to the workings of this Assembly has mostly shown itself to be very reflective and mature, stepped out of those important discussions. With the benefit of hindsight, it might admit that it made a mistake. I pay tribute to the representatives from my party, the Democratic Unionist Party and the SDLP who have stayed with it. Until the Alliance Party stepped out — incomprehensibly, the Ulster Unionists stepped out also — important and significant progress had been made. Even since the departure of the Ulster Unionists and the Alliance Party, more progress has been made, and, during the discussions, all the issues that proved difficult in the past were shown to be capable of resolution. I said that it was incomprehensible that the Ulster Unionist Party stepped out, but, given what we have heard over the past couple of days, that party needs to be involved in a process of cohesion, sharing and integration itself.

The serious point is that we are now rapidly coming to a conclusion that I believe the majority of representatives in the House can sign up for. I hope that the Ulster Unionist Party and the Alliance Party will reflect on the folly of their position and, at the end of the process, finally come on board.

Colum Eastwood (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

Given the events of recent weeks and the tone of some debates in the House, does the deputy First Minister agree that it is now even more important that we get this right and do so as quickly as possible?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I 100% agree. It is hugely important that we get it right, given that there is a responsibility right across the community on everybody to contribute to peace on the streets. We, as the political leaders, have to lead by example, and it is our duty and responsibility to behave in such a way that we do not use intemperate language. We have seen some venom on the streets, and we had three nights of rioting, during which large numbers of police were injured and the community was disrupted. The bad news stories about that travelled all around the world. I was in Washington just over two weeks ago and was told that the three nights of rioting in north Belfast was a news item on Brazilian news. That is the last thing that we need. If that nonsense travels all around the world — [Interruption.]

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Order.

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

— how will that not work against our attempts to create jobs and opportunities for our young people? It is time for people to get real and recognise that, in dealing with these important occasions, civility and good manners need to be shown.

Basil McCrea (UUP, Lagan Valley)

6. asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline the forward work programme of the Maze/Long Kesh Development Corporation board. (AQO 2562/11-15)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Maze/Long Kesh Development Corporation is now in place and will take forward the regeneration of the Maze/Long Kesh site. One of the corporation's initial responsibilities will be to prepare a three-year corporate plan that will set out its forward work programme and identify the resources required for its delivery. The work programme will be within the context of the objectives set by Ministers to maximise the economic, historical and reconciliation potential of the site and seek to deliver the targets set out in the Programme for Government, which are to launch the development plan for Maze/Long Kesh in 2012-13, to host the 2013 Balmoral show at the site and to complete the peace-building and conflict resolution centre by 2015.

Basil McCrea (UUP, Lagan Valley)

Does the Minister accept that public confidence in the public appointment process for the board has been damaged somewhat and that that has the potential to undermine the work envisaged? What steps has he in mind to try to address that issue?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I wonder how people assess where public confidence lies. People are hugely heartened by the fact that the First Minister and I had the ability to put in place a development corporation that is truly reflective of our entire community. The board has people with particular expertise who can take forward what is probably the prime development site on this island.

We have already seen hugely important developments, with the announcement from Europe of £20 million for the iconic peace-building and conflict resolution centre. The Royal Ulster Agricultural Society (RUAS) is now on site constructing its building so that it can be up and running for 2013. All of that represents tremendous progress.

There has been some recent debate about the people who were appointed to the board. The people appointed have the First Minister's confidence and mine. They were appointed because they have a particular expertise, and we believe that they will take forward our objectives of ensuring that the economic, historical and reconciliation potential of that site can be utilised for the benefit of all our people.

Raymond McCartney (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Ba mhaith liom buíochas a thabhairt don LeasChéad-Aire as an fhreagra a thug sé dúinn inniu. Just to let you know, Mr Campbell, that that was as Gaeilge — maith thú.

I welcome the fact that the corporation is in place, and I wish it well in its work on that important site. Will the deputy First Minister take the opportunity to inform us whether all the appointments, including that of the chair, fell within the code of practice?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The requirements for candidates for public appointment are outlined in the code of practice for ministerial public appointments. They do not include a requirement to declare membership of a political party. Four other appointees declared political activity.

The first interview process, in October and November 2011, identified neither a suitable appointee for the post of chair nor a sufficient pool of applicants appointable as board members. We decided — rightly, I think — to rerun the competition.

Obviously, a big discussion point has been the participation of Terence Brannigan in all this. Mr Brannigan was a member of the selection panel for the initial competition. He declined to be involved in the second selection panel and subsequently decided to apply for the position of chair of the Maze/Long Kesh Development Corporation. Our officials consulted the Commissioner for Public Appointments to take his view on the matter, and the commissioner advised that Mr Brannigan was entitled to apply and should be treated in the same manner as any other candidate throughout the process.

Ministers have no involvement in the interview process for any public appointment. As I said, the First Minister and I are absolutely committed to maximising the economic, historical and reconciliation potential of the site for the benefit of our entire community. In recent months, the development with the RUAS and the award of funding has pushed the whole process forward. So, as plans progress, the regeneration of the site will send a powerful physical signal that highlights how our society has been transformed and regenerated and is moving beyond conflict.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I agree with the Minister that full confidence needs to be restored in this place, and I am sure that, over the past few days, with the statue of Lord Carson getting a facelift, it is being restored. On a serious note, when can we get the business plan for the Long Kesh site?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

That will obviously be a matter for the board. It is over to them; it is their duty and responsibility.

When I saw the scaffolding going up around Lord Castle — Lord Carson; sorry about that -— I thought that it was for the purpose of putting a hurl in his hand. I know that many unionist representatives are very proud of the fact that, when Lord Carson was in Dublin, he participated in one of our most powerful national games, as we saw recently in the great victory of Kilkenny over Galway.

On the issue of the responsibility to develop the site, it is now over to the board. It is a board that the First Minister and I and, I believe, the vast majority of Members have confidence in, with the possible exception of the man who is about to get up: Mr Allister.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

I take that as a compliment. [Laughter.] In terms of what will be rolled out at the Maze, will the Minister tell us whether his colleague Raymond McCartney was correct when he said that the listed and retained buildings will be open to the public and that there will be the opportunity for the many stories of the jail to be told there? Will the listed and retained buildings be open and open for that purpose?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I am glad that I managed to bring a smile to the Member's face.

People need to be aware that the public have had access to the listed buildings over the past couple of years without any controversy whatsoever. As for how those buildings will be used in the future, that will be a matter of agreement. We are mature enough to ensure, between ourselves and the development corporation, that the peace-building and conflict resolution centre that we construct at what is an incredible site will be a shrine to peace and not a shrine to conflict.

Michael Copeland (UUP, Belfast East)

7. asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the social investment fund. (AQO 2563/11-15)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Following Executive agreement on the final operation of the social investment fund, we are in the process of establishing cross-sectoral steering groups to co-ordinate the development of a strategic area plan in each social investment zone over the coming months. We will confirm membership of each steering group in the next few days. Following that, we will move to the area planning stage, in recognition of the need to expedite the area planning process and the work involved. We have recently completed a tendering exercise to establish a framework of organisations to support the steering groups in developing the area plan. They will be contracted to help to identify evidence and proposed relevant interventions for inclusion in the area plans in consultation with the wider community. That will include consultation with all relevant stakeholder and community organisations. It is our aim to have area plans submitted early next year, with a view to commencing the delivery of approved projects soon thereafter.

Michael Copeland (UUP, Belfast East)

I thank the deputy First Minister for his answer. Will he outline where, in his view, the blockages are that prevent the SIF being administered? What communication has there been with the communities being denied the use of the fund? Will he also update the House on any outstanding appointments that need to be made to allow the process to move forward?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Obviously, a lot of work is happening with local communities, because we passionately believe that, for the SIF project to work, their very active participation is required.

So, at the moment, we are involved and are very close to agreement about the release of information on the steering groups' composition. There is a timescale for all this. I think, essentially, we are talking about the full benefit of the fund being seen by, I suppose, next year, given the amount of work that has to be done. We are now very close to the end of this year, and, as we move forward, we think that we are better taking our time, getting it right, ensuring that we have the right people in the different zones and different areas for the steering groups, and ensuring that they have every opportunity to consider what projects they would like to propose for funding from the social investment fund.

Finance and Personnel

Mitchel McLaughlin (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

1. asked the Minister of Finance and Personnel what was the total amount of unpaid rates over the last four years. (AQO 2571/11-15)

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

At the end of the 2011-12 financial year, the rating debt was £160·8 million. That is a provisional figure that includes the rating of empty homes, which is subject to audit. The figure excluding the rating of empty homes, which allows comparison with the previous three years, was £153·6 million. The audited year-end amount for 2008 was £138·1 million; for 2009-2010 it was £157 million; and for 2010-11 it was £155·6 million.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Sinn Féin, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his comprehensive answer. Is he satisfied that Land and Property Services has sufficient capacity to ensure the maximum collection of annual rates?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

One should consider that the amount of rates that was collected this year is the highest that it has ever been — it is up, I think, by £50 million. That ignores the fact that properties have, of course, been added to the list because of the rating of empty homes. So, that is the highest rate of collection that we have had.

However, the situation can always be improved. As I said to the Assembly previously, that has to be balanced against the economic circumstances in which we find ourselves and against the difficulties that people have in paying their rates. I am sure that all Members — they write to me quite frequently about people who are in difficulties — would wish us to be as flexible as possible whenever people get into difficulties. However, that then means, of course, that the uncollected debt goes up.

Maurice (DUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Just have a listen to the Minister's reply: the figures that he supplied are quite startling. Does he have any new initiative to ensure that rates are paid, bearing in mind that many ratepayers, particularly in the retail sector, are struggling at this time and feel very discouraged when they discover that others are not paying?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

I do not know that there is any new initiative. Maybe I should outline the things that we do. First, we try to get bills out as quickly as possible so that there is not a big delay that results in people being hit with a rates bill that is two or three years behind. That is not always possible, but we try to do it. We also work with the building control departments of councils, and, once a completion certificate comes through, we get the property on to the valuation list.

Secondly, when people get into difficulties, we try to get them into arrangements as quickly as possible.

Thirdly, when people do not pay, refuse to pay or have shown over time that they are not going to abide by the arrangements, we will go for court action.

Lastly, of course, if we have to, we will take people to the point of bankruptcy. We do not wish to do that, but, as the Member pointed out, many people struggle to pay their rates but believe that it is their obligation to do so and will make sacrifices to do it. We cannot allow them to be penalised because others simply decide that they will not bother to pay.

Samuel Gardiner (UUP, Upper Bann)

Is the Minister satisfied that Land and Property Services and the Rates Collection Agency have adequate resources and training to improve their performances?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

We have devoted extra resources. Indeed, Land and Property Services has been given extra resources to facilitate the work that it has to do. Of course, all agencies would argue that they could use more resources. There is not a Department that will not argue that it wants more staff, and so on. However, that has to be balanced against the budgetary considerations and pressures under which we work. If we push up administrative costs in Land and Property Services or in any Department, it means that there will be less money for front line services.

Alex Easton (DUP, North Down)

2. asked the Minister of Finance and Personnel how much was collected in rates for unoccupied buildings in the 2011-12 financial year. (AQO 2572/11-15)

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

During the 2011-12 financial year, a total of £24,770,406 was collected in relation to properties that were unoccupied as at 31 March 2012. It should be noted that some of those properties may have been occupied at some point during the financial year.

Alex Easton (DUP, North Down)

I thank the Minister for his answer. What steps is Land and Property Services (LPS) taking to collect the debt for those properties?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

We have focused our attention on debt, and we have formulated a debt action plan, which has now become a very important line in the business activity. The plan focuses on cases moving through various recovery stages, including court action and eventual referral to the Enforcement of Judgments Office. That is for persistent non-payers, who will be pursued to the point of bankruptcy. In the past year, the court processes issued by LPS rose to almost 3,000 cases. Approximately 46,000 decrees were issued and 19,000 awarded in 2011-12, which is an increase of 1,500.

Daithí McKay (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

The Minister will be aware that there is an increasingly high level of vacant properties in our town centres. Will he outline what he will be doing to address the problems faced by those owners?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

The Assembly can take some pleasure from knowing that we are leading the way in initiatives to try to deal with unoccupied and empty properties in town centres.

Around this time last year, the Assembly agreed to the 50% discount on rates for properties that were unoccupied for more than a year before a business took them over. That is now being copied in Scotland. Only last week, the Finance Minister in Scotland announced an initiative along the same lines; I think that the Scottish Government have called it Fresh Start. They have copied our scheme almost word for word.

I have to say that I have seen some very good examples of businesses that have started up as a result of the 50% rates holiday that they get. Indeed, Mr Deputy Speaker, in Larne in our constituency, I visited premises called Eco-Kidz. One of the factors that influenced the person who started up the business to do so was the fact that, in the first year, she would get a rate reduction of almost £1,000. That economic factor influenced her decision to set up in the premises.

Dolores Kelly (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Upper Bann)

Has there been any discussion between the Minister and the Minister for Social Development on empty residential properties, particularly in the newbuild sector, that could be used to alleviate the waiting lists for housing.

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

That really would be a matter for the Department for Social Development and the housing associations. Many housing associations are purchasing properties off the shelf where they have been built and are empty.

One of the problems has been that the standards laid down for public sector housing or housing association houses are different from those for the private sector, but I think the Social Development Minister is addressing that. I have had horror stories from builders who have told me that they have been told to take out en suite bathrooms, for example, because they are not part of the standard for social housing, even though they probably enhance the standard of the property. They have also been told to cut a kitchen in half and to take off a conservatory from the back of the kitchen because, again, the space standards are different from those laid down. That is the kind of nonsense, which, I think, has to be addressed, so that some properties that have been built for the private sector, but which have not been sold, can be brought into use in the social sector.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Again, I remind Members to refrain from talking in the Chamber. I do not wish to have to name a Member.

Danny Kinahan (UUP, South Antrim)

3. asked the Minister of Finance and Personnel for his assessment of the Ulster Bank's redress package, particularly the onus being placed on customers to initiate claims. (AQO 2573/11-15)

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

Assessing the Ulster Bank redress scheme and ensuring that it satisfies the bank’s statutory duties is a matter for the regulator, the Financial Services Authority. I recognise that some customers have been disappointed by the scale of compensation on offer, but it is a decision that the bank has taken, and I have no formal responsibility in that regard.

Danny Kinahan (UUP, South Antrim)

I thank the Minister for his brief response. Has he met the Financial Services Authority in its role as the bank regulator, to satisfy himself with all that it is doing for Ulster Bank customers?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

I have not met the Financial Services Authority, but I did speak to the Ulster Bank before the scheme was brought out. First, I indicated to the bank that I was disappointed that it took so long, and, secondly, I indicated to it that it needed to sell the scheme to its customers. Ultimately, it will be the customers who will make the decision as to whether they are satisfied with the scheme and on whether they feel that it has given them fair compensation for the difficulties they experienced. The role of the Financial Services Authority is beyond the competency of the Assembly, but I look forward to its independent report on why it took so long to sort out the Ulster Bank problems here in Northern Ireland.

Dominic Bradley (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht a fhreagra. I thank the Minister for his answer. The Minister will probably have heard that the Ulster Bank has recently joined in the funding for lending scheme. Will he update us on progress regarding the other banks' participation in that scheme?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

I met the Finance Secretary in London — I think it was at the beginning of July — and indicated to him that I believed that any schemes being brought out by the Treasury to help bank lending need to be tailored to Northern Ireland. Indeed, I had a similar conversation with the Secretary of State just last week, and she is going to make representations along with me to ensure that this happens in future.

When the finance for lending scheme was introduced by the Government, one thing I was pleased about was that the Finance Secretary called in all of the banks in Northern Ireland as a result of the representations that we made. All of them gave a positive response to the initiative. To date, only the Ulster Bank has signed up to it. I understand that Barclays Bank is to announce its participation in the scheme and the details of that participation. I think it is to do that before the end of October. I suppose we have to keep pressure on the other banks to do that. The important thing about it is that it is one scheme where, I believe, rewards can be linked to performance, because the banks must show that they are lending to businesses before they can have the facility of getting cheaper money from the Bank of England, which helps them to reduce interest rates or give discounts on interest rates to customers.

Phil Flanagan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I thank the Minister for his answers. The Minister engaged with Ulster Bank and RBS at the start of July, as did the Enterprise Committee and the Finance Committee. At that time, we were assured that the redress system would be put in place within a few days. Will the Minister outline to the House why it took so long for the Ulster Bank compensation scheme to be put in place? Does he agree that the measly £20 compensation payment was too little too late for consumers?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

First of all, I am not on the board of Ulster Bank, so I do not have control of it. Secondly, the details had to be worked out with the Financial Services Authority. I do not know whether the Financial Services Authority raised queries about the compensation scheme or whether Ulster Bank was slow in bringing the proposals forward. I know that some customers are disappointed.

Ultimately, of course — and I made this point to Ulster Bank in July — the longer the bank delayed, the more the sore was going to agitate; the more the sore agitated, the angrier its customers were going to get. Ultimately, Ulster Bank will pay the price in the market for that, and I understand that it is already losing customers. I have met people who were more than satisfied with the compensation package; I have met other people who are very angry about the compensation package. However, the compensation package was not something that the Assembly or the Department of Finance had any control over; neither did we have any control over the timing of it.

Kieran McCarthy (Alliance, Strangford)

4. asked the Minister of Finance and Personnel why the owner or landlord of a house in multiple occupation is responsible for the collection and payment of rates regardless of capital value or frequency of rent payment, while responsibility for other rented accommodation is based on capital valuation and frequency of rent payment. (AQO 2574/11-15)

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

The landlord liability provisions in rating legislation, which make, in most circumstances, the owner or landlord liable for rates rather than tenants, is a long-established feature of the rating system here. Its origins are in earlier legislation dating back 90 years. It applies to lower value single family residences and all houses in multiple occupation (HMOs), because that is where the problems are likely to occur: in collecting rates directly from tenants who tend to move about more than most. The reason we make it a landlord liability is that, for Land and Property Services to pursue tenants, some of whom stay only for very short periods, would be very costly administratively and more likely to result in debt increasing. For that reason, for HMOs, the responsibility lies with the landlord.

Kieran McCarthy (Alliance, Strangford)

I thank the Minister for his answer. What is his assessment of the increase of HMOs in some areas, particularly adjacent to Queen's University in Belfast, and the impact that has on the rateable value of non-HMO properties in those same areas?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

That issue would be better addressed by the Department for Social Development (DSD). As for the impact on established families living in those areas, I do not think that HMOs do anything to the rateable value of homes in those areas, in so far as property prices tend to go up because of demand from landlords who wish to expand. Therefore, the capital value of the houses will tend to increase. However, it does cause inconvenience. We all know, and it has been well documented, the problems it causes for residents living in those areas. However, since rates are really determined by the capital value of properties, anything that causes capital values to increase will, of course, enhance the rateable value of the houses.

Megan Fearon (Sinn Féin, Newry and Armagh)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Does the Minister agree that advice should be provided to tenants in the situation where a tenant pays the landlord rates, the rates are then due but the landlord does not pay LPS, and the tenants are then made liable for a second payment? Do you agree that more awareness needs to be created around tenants' rights on this issue?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

It does. Again, that is an issue DSD needs to address, and would be more properly directed at the Social Development Minister. However, I will say that there are properties for which landlords have the obligation to collect the rent. They are given discounts for doing that service, and the landlord is ultimately responsible. Where there is a degree of ambiguity, it is important that tenants are made aware. I know that there is a review of some of the legislation. Maybe one thing we ought to place on landlords is an obligation to make it clear to tenants who is responsible for paying rates and who is not responsible.

David McIlveen (DUP, North Antrim)

Will the Minister tell us how he and his Department define HMOs?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

It is not defined by my Department. It is defined under the Housing (Northern Ireland) Order 2003, and it is where three or more qualifying people live in a house and are not of the same family. For them not to be of the same family, they must not be spouses, persons living together, husband, wife, parents, grandparents, children, grandchildren, brothers or sisters. Therefore, where that relationship does not exist between three or more people living in a house, it is regarded as an HMO.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

Will the Minister tell the House the extent of the rates arrears in houses of multiple occupation?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

I am afraid that I do not have that answer. I do not know if we even have the data broken down by sector like that, or whether the information is just held generally as the total arrears on domestic and non-domestic premises. I will seek to find out whether we have the figures broken down into sectors like that, and, if so, I will write to the Member.

Mervyn Storey (DUP, North Antrim)

5. asked the Minister of Finance and Personnel for an update on his negotiations with HM Treasury on the devolution of corporation tax. (AQO 2575/11-15)

Oliver McMullan (Sinn Féin, East Antrim)

10. asked the Minister of Finance and Personnel for an update on the devolution of corporation tax. (AQO 2580/11-15)

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

11. asked the Minister of Finance and Personnel for an update on his discussions with the Secretary of State and HM Treasury in relation to devolving corporation tax. (AQO 2581/11-15)

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

With your permission, Mr Deputy Speaker, I will answer questions 5, 10 and 11 together.

The joint ministerial working group considering the devolution of responsibility for corporation tax to the Northern Ireland Executive is now, in my opinion, entering a critical stage in its deliberations. While some progress has been made in respect of how a devolved rate would operate in practice and in respect of the implementation timetable, I remain concerned about the cost currently proposed by Treasury officials, which I believe is prohibitively expensive. At the same time, I would like to reassure Members that I and my Executive colleagues on the working group remain fully committed to taking responsibility for corporation tax, while my strong belief is that the issues around cost can be addressed. However, that will depend to a large extent on the position adopted by the Secretary of State and the Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury, and, in particular, whether they are serious about supporting the Executive in rebalancing the Northern Ireland economy.

The working group is due to meet again on 18 October, with a view to resolving the outstanding issues. After that, I suspect that it really will be down to a political decision involving the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Mervyn Storey (DUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Minister for the answer and for giving us an indication as to where this issue sits at the minute. Can he give us more detail on what he still sees as the areas of dispute that we have with the Treasury in regard to securing a settlement in this issue?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

The areas of dispute are twofold. The first one is on the basic cost and what allowance can be made against the secondary impacts of corporation tax. For example, if there are additional VAT, income tax, national insurance receipts, what proportion of those can stay in Northern Ireland?

The second thing is how the amount of tax that we pay to the Exchequer escalates year on year, and the escalator that is being proposed by the Treasury at present would make an assumption that corporation tax take in Northern Ireland will grow at twice the rate of corporation tax take in the rest of the United Kingdom. That is why the bill would escalate within 15 years to over £700 million. Again, I do not believe that that is an acceptable formula, and it is something that we still have to determine with the Treasury.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Will the Minister agree that the urgency of dealing with the devolution of corporation tax powers must be an absolute priority for the Executive in light of the current economic climate and the business sector's crying need for something to incentivise and grow the local economy and to stimulate confidence in our local economy and help that small-business sector to grow and give a future to our young people.

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

I have said that I believe that we should force a decision either way on this issue in the autumn. It is critical for two reasons.

First, as the Member pointed out, we have grave economic difficulties. So if corporation tax devolution and a reduction in the rate can act as an incentive for inward investment and stimulate investment in firms operating in Northern Ireland, that is, of course, all to the good.

Secondly, Arlene Foster needs to have greater certainty when she talks to investors. Having dangled this fiscal worm in front of investors for so long, I think that it is time that she was able to give them a greater degree of certainty.

Maeve McLaughlin (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I listened to the Minister's response. Minister, given the clear problems you outlined with the calculations of the British Treasury regarding the transfer costs of corporation tax, do you agree that steps should be taken to establish a more accurate picture of the taxes generated in the North to ensure that we do not see a repeat of that situation in the future?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

The generation of tax in Northern Ireland from various sources is a bit more complicated than simply saying, "Look, this is the amount paid on that tax, and that is the amount paid on another tax", or whatever. In the case of corporation tax, there is tax that is generated by companies based and registered in Northern Ireland, as well as tax that is generated by companies operating in Northern Ireland but registered outside it, and tax that is generated by companies based in Northern Ireland but which have their earnings in other parts of the United Kingdom.

There are lots of different ways in which the matter can be complicated depending on which tax office the firms are registered with. Again, the origin of the tax might be more difficult to identify. That is why there have been considerable negotiations about the amount of tax generated. Of course, as well as that, we have argued that the devolution of corporation tax will generate additional tax revenues, some of which, we believe, should be retained in Northern Ireland.

Leslie Cree (UUP, North Down)

The Minister will be aware of the recession and the fact that the profits of major companies have declined. How satisfied is he that the figure that the Treasury is using has been updated and is not a historical figure?

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

We have said to the Treasury that we will not accept a figure that is based on one particular year because, depending on what happened that year, tax revenues could be higher or lower than average. The Treasury has accepted that. Therefore, we have sought to get an average figure over a number of years. On that basis, there can be a huge variation depending on which years are chosen.

We also said that it is not sufficient simply to look at the issue historically but that we have to look at it into the future. This is where there is even further complication. In the past, for example, about 40% of tax revenues in corporation tax were generated by banks. It is estimated that, because of bank losses and the way in which they can write off their losses against tax in the future, banks based in Northern Ireland will probably not pay tax for the next 10 years. That is where the calculations become complex.

People might get frustrated about the slowness of the process. However, one reason why it is so slow is that I do not think that anybody expects us simply to settle for the first figure that comes up. We have to look at all those issues and make sure that we get the best deal for Northern Ireland, because there will be consequences if we do not do so.

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

6. asked the Minister of Finance and Personnel what is the average length of time it takes Land and Property Services to carry out rate assessments on new houses and businesses. (AQO 2576/11-15)

Sammy Wilson (DUP, East Antrim)

Land and Property Services (LPS) is responsible for the assessment of rateable values and the subsequent determination of rate bills for new domestic and non-domestic properties. New properties can be valued only following the issue of a rating completion notice or if the property is already complete and occupied.

At the commencement of the current rating year, analysis of the workload in LPS showed that the average age of new domestic cases awaiting valuation was 53 calendar days, and the average age of new non-domestic cases awaiting valuation was 47 calendar days.

Questions for Urgent Oral Answer

Caitriona Ruane (Sinn Féin, South Down)

On a point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. Tá mé ar lorg comhairle. I seek some advice. Will the Deputy Speaker confirm that the question for urgent oral answer that we are about to have now was submitted earlier, was not accepted initially and was subsequently accepted? I wonder whether we could be advised why a question that was not accepted initially was suddenly accepted. I look forward to the information on that. Go raibh maith agat.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

That is a question for the Speaker, who has made a determination. As Deputy Speaker, I offer the opportunity for that question for urgent oral answer to be put, as determined by the Speaker. The Member may wish to have a discussion with the Speaker in his office to resolve the issue.

Caitriona Ruane (Sinn Féin, South Down)

On a further point of order, Mr Deputy Speaker. Will you ask the Speaker to formally come back to the House with an explanation? I am not questioning in any way the Speaker's advice, but I am — [Interruption.] Sorry, but I would like an answer. Thank you.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

I will ask the Speaker to come back to the Member.

Gregory Campbell (DUP, East Londonderry)

asked the Minister of Education what is the total cost to the public purse of advertisements under the title "Get Involved" which are about to be aired, in Irish only, on commercial television during the first week of October regarding access to education, and has advice been sought from the Departmental Solicitor's Office on whether the advert breaches the Communications Act 2003.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Chomhalta as ucht a cheiste. Níl gné ar bith den fheachtas Is fearr i bhfad a éiríonn leis an oideachas nuair a bhíonn páirt agat féin ann a chuirfear ar aghaidh i nGaeilge amháin, toisc go bhfuil gach eilimint den fheachtas curtha ar aghaidh as Béarla chomh maith. No aspect of the Education Works campaign has been taken forward in Irish only, as all parts of the campaign are also being taken forward in English. My Department's language policy states that any advertising undertaken by the Department is done "bilingually in Irish and English". The policy was written prior to the Department engaging in the campaign, and the decision to run the advertising in Irish is in keeping with departmental policy.

The campaign is part of my focus on addressing educational underachievement among young people, whether they are educated through the medium of Irish or the medium of English. A proportion of the campaign is conveyed in the medium of Irish, in keeping with the Department's statutory duty to encourage and facilitate Irish-medium education. The Irish language advert comprises approximately 10% of the TV airtime and is a replica of the English version. Members may want to hold on to their seat as I give the cost. We have stopped the business of the day and brought this important matter to the Assembly. It was so urgent that it could not be dealt with through a question for written answer or any other way. So Members may want to sit back in their seat and absorb the cost: the cost of the television slots for the adverts to be aired in Irish during the first week of October is £4,360. [Interruption.]

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Order.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

That is what we have stopped Assembly business for.

The additional TV production cost for the Irish version of the advert was £4,293. So, for approximately £8,600, the Assembly has had to be stalled, all business set aside and government put on hold. Stop the presses: the Government are spending £8,000 on an equality measure.

The Irish version of the advertisement was submitted to Clearcast, which provides broadcasters with advice on compliance with the industry code of practice. No legal issues were raised — no legal issues — by either the broadcasters or Clearcast. Therefore, legal advice was not required or sought from the Departmental Solicitor's Office.

Gregory Campbell (DUP, East Londonderry)

The ads are exclusively in Irish. Can the Minister outline the fact — [Interruption.]

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Order, please.

Gregory Campbell (DUP, East Londonderry)

Can he outline the fact that he is bound by the ministerial code? It states:

"Any matter which ... is significant or controversial ... should be considered by the Executive".

It also states:

"no expenditure can be properly incurred without the approval of the Department of Finance and Personnel."

Are both those positions an accurate depiction of the facts of the matter as they have occurred over the past few weeks?

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

I have acted in full compliance with the ministerial code. All Ministers have to comply with the ministerial code. The Member has not pointed out to me where I am in breach of the ministerial code. Perhaps I missed it. I have followed all the necessary processes and procedures in procuring the advertisement, which is now being broadcast in Irish and English. Although Mr Campbell may have nothing to do other than worrying about the expenditure of £8,000, I am sure that the public are saying, "I am sure that the Assembly has more important things to debate than the expenditure of £8,000". If the Member wishes to be more specific about the area of the ministerial code that I have breached — in Irish or English — I am more than happy to answer the question. To date, he has not done so.

I am, however, concerned about one matter that I will bring to the attention of the head of the Civil Service. There appears to have been a leak from the Department of Finance and Personnel to the Member with regard to confidential — [Interruption.]

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Order, please.

John O'Dowd (Sinn Féin, Upper Bann)

— confidential material from one Minister to another. Perhaps Mr Campbell would like to take the opportunity to tell the House where he came upon the confidential information that he referred to in his statement and on the airwaves this morning. [Interruption.]

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Members, can I ask for good temper and moderation in all that you do, please?

Mervyn Storey (DUP, North Antrim)

Before I comment on the issues for the Committee, I should say that I find it strange that Members on the opposite Benches really get annoyed when a matter such as this is brought to light.

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Can we have a question, please?

Mervyn Storey (DUP, North Antrim)

It ill becomes Members on the opposite Benches to be worried about spies, given their track record, and sources and leaks — [Interruption.]

Roy Beggs (UUP, East Antrim)

Order.