Northern Ireland Assembly, 7 September 2015

342 contributions from 62 members. The official report.

Assembly Business

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Before we proceed to today's business, I welcome Members back after the recess. I ask Members to bear with me as I have a number of items to deal with before we proceed to today's Order Paper.

Executive Committee Business

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

I inform the House that four Bills have received Royal Assent. The Ombudsman and Commissioner for Complaints (Amendment) Act became law on 20 July 2015. Three Bills — the Budget (No. 2) Bill, the Reservoirs Bill and the Justice Bill — became law on 24 July 2015.

Assembly Business

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

This is an opportune time to inform the House that I wrote on behalf of the Assembly last week to congratulate the Queen ahead of the milestone achievement of becoming the longest-serving monarch.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

I advise the House that I have received a letter of resignation from Mr Danny Kennedy as Minister for Regional Development. His resignation took effect from midnight on Wednesday 2 September 2015.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

I advise the House that I have received a letter of resignation from Mr Michael Copeland as a Member for the East Belfast constituency. His resignation took effect from 31 August 2015. I advise the House that I received a letter of resignation from Mr Sammy Wilson informing me of his intention to resign as a Member for the East Antrim constituency. That took effect on Wednesday 29 July 2015. For both resignations, I have notified the Chief Electoral Officer in accordance with section 35 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

I advise the House that I have been informed by the Chief Electoral Officer that Mr Gordon Lyons has been returned as a Member of the Assembly for the East Antrim constituency to fill the vacancy resulting from Mr Sammy Wilson's resignation. Mr Lyons signed the Roll of Membership on 19 August 2015 in the presence of the Principal Deputy Speaker and the Clerk to the Assembly and entered his designation. The Member has now taken his seat, and I welcome him to the Assembly.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Where is he?

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Order. I wish to advise the House that the nominating officer of the Ulster Unionist Party has informed me that Mrs Jo-Anne Dobson has replaced Mr Roy Beggs as Chairperson of the Audit Committee, with effect from 1 September 2015. I am satisfied that the requirements of Standing Orders have been met.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Finally, before we progress to the business listed on the Order Paper, in the light of the political climate in which we find ourselves, and as we have several new Members, it would be timely to remind the House of the standards of debate that I expect in the Chamber. Members will recall that our last session ended with a particularly heated debate, with some Members making remarks that were not in keeping with a mature debating Chamber. During the summer recess, I wrote to Mr Wilson to impose a sanction on him for his remarks and particularly for resorting to personal insults about Mrs Kelly. This is moot now that the Member has resigned, but I remind all Members that I will not tolerate personal abuse in the Chamber.

Some Members

Hear, hear.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

That does not mean that Members cannot challenge each other in lively debate, which, as you know, I positively encourage. I know that we are in difficult times and, from the Chair, I will defend the ability of all Members to address issues robustly, but they must focus on the issues and not on personal abuse and insults. Members not showing respect will be asked to sit down and may not be called to speak again for some time.

Let us move on.

Matters of the Day

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Mr Jim Allister has been given leave to make a statement on the Queen becoming the longest-serving British monarch, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called, they should rise in their places and continue to do so. All Members called will have up to three minutes to speak on the subject. I remind Members that I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until the item has been finished.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

On Wednesday of this week, this United Kingdom and the Commonwealth will celebrate a very considerable landmark in regard to the monarchy, in that Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II will become the longest-serving British monarch in history. The scale of that achievement is perhaps illustrated by the fact that relatively few Members of the House were even born when Her Majesty succeeded to the throne in February 1952. She was already the longest-living monarch in our nation's history and now she will become the longest-serving, surpassing the record of her great-great-grandmother, Queen Victoria.

It is typical of the work ethic of Her Majesty that she will treat Wednesday as just another working day. That betokens the commitment that has hallmarked her entire life of incredible public service to the nation and the Commonwealth. Therefore, I think it is right and appropriate that this devolved Assembly in this United Kingdom should mark that occasion, salute the achievement of Her Majesty and record our deep appreciation for her long and successful reign. It would be remiss not to mention also the great support that she has had in that role from her consort, her husband of some 68 years, the Duke of Edinburgh, who has been by her side throughout the entirety of this long reign. We are grateful for that.

May Her Majesty be spared yet to continue to long rule over us. 'God Save the Queen'.

Gregory Campbell (DUP, East Londonderry)

My apologies —

[Laughter.]

— Mr Speaker. Events in the Great Hall, as may soon become apparent, delayed my appearance.

I associate myself and my party with the comments that I trust were made by Mr Allister. In that respect and context, I think that I would have no difficulty whatsoever in agreeing with him. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II has conducted herself impeccably in her reign, which, on Wednesday, will mean that she is the longest-reigning monarch in our history. This society has been privileged to have such a personage as Her Majesty as Queen in this realm for such a period of time.

We have much to be grateful for in the way in which she has sustained the monarchy in good times and difficult times. She has presided over the Commonwealth. I understand that you, Mr Speaker, are aware of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and how it has functioned. She has ensured that that has gelled together and brought many benefits to Northern Ireland as well as to the United Kingdom as a whole. For those and many other reasons, we join, across the nation state, in paying tribute to her glorious majesty Queen Elizabeth II, and we say in that glorious refrain: long may she continue to reign over us.

Alban Maginness (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast North)

I suppose, as a member of the SDLP and an Irish nationalist, some might think that it would be a bit uncomfortable for me to speak on this issue today. However, it is an indication of the maturation of our politics that I can, with comfort, speak and endorse the remarks that have previously been made about the Queen. It is a signal public service achievement that all of us can rightly acknowledge and respect.

If one examines what the Queen has done in relation to our politics here in Ireland, North and South, particularly her visit to Dublin a few years ago, during which she expressed the firm conviction that there would be reconciliation in Ireland, North and South, and by her very presence in Dublin and her acknowledgement of those who died not just in the Great War and those who served in the British forces but during the struggle for Irish independence, that was a very great contribution to the politics of reconciliation and peace here. On behalf of the SDLP, I am, therefore, very pleased to support the matter of the day today and the congratulations that affectionately go from the House to the Queen.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Mr Speaker, if you will indulge me for two moments, I want to pay tribute to Michael Copeland, who has left us. We will miss him, but we will remember the compassionate focus that he put on government. It is ironic that that very compassion has exhausted his ability to continue in the job. We wish him well.

I welcome the opportunity to pay tribute to Her Majesty's 63 years in the job. Let us remember that it is a job. Can anybody imagine putting in a 63-year shift in any job, never mind one of public service with such an incredibly high profile, where not a single word goes unexamined, as her husband knows so very well? The Queen has demonstrated fantastic leadership, not least on that three-day visit to the Republic of Ireland, when she challenged us all to focus on things that could have been done differently or not at all. To that, I add the things that should have been done but were not.

As well as leadership, she has phenomenal energy. As it happens, the Queen is the same age as my mother. That first day in Dublin would have exhausted her, but the Queen was able to go on for a further two in the Republic of Ireland. My mother and the Queen share not only the same age but, I firmly believe, the same values. How timely it is that we mark the Queen's achievement this week, when the values of these devolved institutions come under scrutiny and, hopefully, review for the better. She provides leadership, energy, values and the ability to see the bigger picture, and she has the discipline to understand that, sometimes, least said, soonest mended.

The Queen is an outstanding leader. The Ulster Unionist Party congratulates her on bringing a new definition to the words of our national anthem, "Long to reign over us".

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

I join those who have spoken in congratulating Her Majesty The Queen on this incredible milestone in her service to the United Kingdom.

We will, hopefully, all reflect on Wednesday and take the opportunity to celebrate the remarkable achievements of Her Majesty The Queen as our sovereign. Perhaps we should also be celebrating the achievements of a remarkable woman. At 89 years of age, as others have said, she is indomitable in her spirit and has time for everyone whom she speaks to. I had the great privilege of meeting Her Majesty at a reception in Buckingham Palace earlier this year, and it was incredible to watch how she met people and the amount of time that she gave individuals to listen to what they were saying to her, and to note that, at a very late hour, she was still ably engaged in conversation.

Mr Speaker, on behalf of the Alliance Party, it gives me the greatest of pleasure to congratulate Her Majesty The Queen and join you, in the correspondence that you sent to Buckingham Palace, and others in that sentiment.

Steven Agnew (Green, North Down)

I associate myself and the Green Party in Northern Ireland with the comments made by those who have spoken. I personally congratulate Her Majesty The Queen on this remarkable achievement and wish her many more years of good health and continuation in her role.

Basil McCrea (NI21, Lagan Valley)

First, I congratulate Her Majesty. It is really good, Mr Speaker, that you have written to her on behalf of the Assembly — the complete Assembly. I realise that there are some political dimensions to this, but Her Majesty's role in overcoming some of the more difficult issues cannot be ignored.

In addition to congratulating her and looking back over her great contribution, we have to realise that there are significant changes happening in our society that Her Majesty's longevity illustrates. We are in a society where many, many people live a long and prosperous life. We have challenges in the House about how we care for them in terms of medicine, housing and the provision of care.

There are some other issues that Her Majesty's long reign has brought to the fore, namely, how you deal with younger generations. Her eldest son, Prince Charles, has been an admirable son and delivered a great role. When he was younger, he might have expected to ascend to the throne before now.

All in all, this brings to us issues of how we manage an ageing population and look after our young people, and I am sure that Her Majesty will not be short in giving advice where advice is needed.

John McCallister (UUP, South Down)

I, too, associate myself with the comments from right around the Chamber in wishing Her Majesty well, reflecting on the length of her reign.

This is a phenomenal woman who, in the 1940s, served her country during the Second World War and vowed at that time to continue to serve, whether her life be long or short. Thankfully, she has been blessed with a very long and healthy life to bring her and our nation to this remarkable milestone of over 63 and a half years on the throne.

As Mr Allister said in opening this matter of the day, most Members of the House were born during the current reign. In fact, of the 12 Prime Ministers who have served during the reign, two, including the current one, were born after the Queen succeeded to the throne. That is a remarkable length of time. In the change in our society and the change in our world throughout that time — the continuing shift that started from Empire to Commonwealth — the Queen's enduring steadfastness in carrying out her role and her duties in those 63 and a half years has been remarkable. That is rightly highlighted today in the Assembly, with all of the difficulties that the Assembly and our Executive face.

Mr Maginness made the point about the remarkable visit to Dublin, and I had occasion to attend one of the events down there. The symbolism of the change in the dynamic in the relationships between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland was truly cemented with that visit. I think that that has been remarkable, and, indeed, the entire royal family has made a contribution to looking at issues of the past and how we might deal with and move through those issues. I think that they have been a tremendous example to us all, and perhaps if we had taken more of the Queen's advice, of Prince Charles's advice and maybe even the advice of the Queen's grandfather, George V, we might be in a much better place. That is something that I want to associate myself with, and I wish the Queen every success. God save the Queen.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I am happy to join others today in congratulating Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. As Mr Allister said, the Queen had a good 34 years as monarch on me before I was even a twinkle in my mother and father's eyes. That is why I think that she is such a remarkable role model for all, particularly for me as a young woman, as someone to look up to and admire. Her grace and humility in her reluctance to mark this occasion demonstrates her admirable character. I have been very fortunate to have been in her presence on two occasions in this past year, and I was taken by how much she captivated her audience. She is a leader because she brings so many with her, including those who do not necessarily support what she represents. Whilst Her Majesty is reluctant to celebrate her achievement, I am heartened that the House has seen fit to do so. Long may she reign over us. God save the Queen.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Ms Caitríona Ruane has been given leave to make a statement on the Syrian refugee crisis, which fulfils the criteria set out in Standing Order 24. If other Members wish to be called, they should rise in their place and continue to do so. All Members will have up to three minutes to speak on the subject. I again remind Members that I will not take any points of order on this or any other matter until the item of business is finished.

Caitriona Ruane (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. We are living through one of the worst humanitarian crises that we have seen. I am not going to dwell on the pictures that we have all seen but, for each of us as a mother or father or grandmother or grandfather or brother or sister, it tears our hearts to see young children lying in water, dead.

People in Syria and other parts of the world are being indiscriminately bombed. They are leaving with the clothes on their backs, with children in their arms. European Governments have an enormous responsibility for triggering many of these conflicts. They supported in some cases, and they remained silent in other cases. They did very little when there was indiscriminate bombing, torture and other dreadful human rights abuses.

Over the last number of weeks we have seen a failure of leadership by many of those in power who should know better. We have seen the British Prime Minister use language to describe people that he should never have used, but, thankfully, people are way ahead of Governments. It is heartening to see the response of people all over Ireland, England, Scotland and Wales, and right throughout Europe. People want to open up their homes. There is a wonderful four-city initiative on this island, and the Irish people are saying, "You are welcome here. Tá fáilte romhaibh anseo." We know what it is like to suffer. We know what it is like to have to flee. We know the coffin ships that crossed the Atlantic, and many people died on those dreadful journeys. We know that people were very happy to reach a land where they felt safe and could rear their children.

Governments need to match the response of people. It is not enough to say that it should be left to NGOs or civic society. They need to provide services, and the British Government, as a major protagonist in this, need to provide funding. We should not be arguing over how many we take in or how many we do not take in. We need policies. The time for talk is over and the time for action is now.

I worked with Salvadorean and Guatemalan refugees in the eighties, and there was some unfortunate language used then by some political leaders who should have known better. I visited and worked in those refugee camps. Again, people in the United States and other countries were way ahead of their Governments, and they formed the Sanctuary movement. They were even willing to go to jail rather than support migration policy at the time. I was also present at a refugee camp when they went back to their country. They were delighted to go back once the war was over. Some chose to stay; the vast majority chose to go back, because people do not want to leave their homes. They want to be in their homes, in their country.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Bring your remarks to a close.

Caitriona Ruane (Sinn Féin, South Down)

Let us act now. Let us show the world that Ireland is a place of welcome for refugees.

Peter Weir (DUP, North Down)

We are facing

[Inaudible.]

on a global scale, with a humanitarian crisis of enormous proportions. There is no doubt in connection with that. For many of us, obviously, the recent photographs have, on a very personal basis, brought that home. The question is in how many cases there have been deaths where the camera was not there. How many things have a blind eye been turned to, in many ways, because they were not in visual focus?

Let us be clear in relation to this. This is where I slightly depart from the Member who previously spoke. It is very much a human catastrophe. It is a man-made human catastrophe, and we need to ensure that we put the blame where it squarely lies. While there is work to be done by Western Governments, it has not been through the Western Governments. It has been through the evil and extremism of terrorism. It has been the so-called Islamic State that has terrorised those in Syria and Iraq, beheaded people, treated women in particular appallingly, and wreaked havoc on Christian communities and non-Christian communities, which has meant that human families have been fleeing for their lives. That is the heart of the tragedy. It is a terrorist- and extremist-related tragedy, but, at the end of it, the victims of that are the ordinary people in Syria, Iraq and other places. That is where the focus has to be.

There are many things that need to be done. A response is required from European Governments in particular, and that has to be coordinated between those Governments. There are actions that ultimately need to be taken within the Middle East to try to solve those issues and prevent this from happening in the future. I think the Prime Minister will outline a response from the United Kingdom later today. Northern Ireland has always had a generosity of spirit. I am sure that, whatever response there is from the United Kingdom as a whole, Northern Ireland will play its part.

One of the great human reactions that has been mentioned is a sense of helplessness for ordinary people at times, but there is a message that people can make a direct contribution. They can contribute to the various aid charities and those who are helping to deliver on a front-line basis.

I know that a number of Members here have made their offices available for food and clothes. That is the real contribution that can be made. Let us, as a people, channel that and play our role in helping to alleviate a great human tragedy.

Colum Eastwood (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

One of the founding values of the European Union was to respect human dignity. As Europeans, we are all failing to respect the human dignity of the refugees. It is a catastrophe and a disgrace that hundreds of thousands of people are searching for sanctuary and, in many cases, they are not able to find it. I think that we are all responsible in that regard.

It is very unfortunate that it took the image of young Aylan Kurdi to shock us into action when so many people have drowned or, thankfully, been rescued in the Mediterranean Sea over the last number of years. It has, though, shaken us into action. Ordinary people, ordinary communities, Churches and all types of organisations want to act and help, but they cannot help without our Governments putting their shoulders to the wheel and doing what is right. As one of the richest countries in the world, we need to be there to help people who are suffering some of the most brutal conditions imaginable.

We are also responsible because we have sent bombers and troops to some of those countries, and we have destroyed those countries. We have left people with no option but to flee, whether from the evil of ISIS, Assad or Saddam Hussein or the stupidity of Western powers in trying to interfere where they do not understand. A couple of years ago, had the British Prime Minister had his way, we would have intervened in Syria as well, and the beneficiaries of that intervention would, of course, have been ISIS. So, until we understand these issues, Western powers need to be very careful about how they act and respond. We now have an opportunity to respond in a humanitarian way, and I do not think that the British Prime Minister is meeting his obligations in that regard at all.

(Mr Principal Deputy Speaker [Mr Newton] in the Chair)

I know that the First Minister has just told us that there will be no Executive meetings unless there are exceptional circumstances, but I count this as an exceptional circumstance. We saw the First Minister of Scotland out last week willing to do her bit. I ask that the First Minister convene a meeting of the Executive as a matter of urgency to find out how this Executive and this part of the world can play a role in helping some of these people survive the most brutal of conditions. I hope that the First Minister will hear that call.

Robin Swann (UUP, North Antrim)

The image of Aylan Kurdi lying on that beach has brought this catastrophe into every home across the United Kingdom and Europe. Until then, the crisis in Syria had been seen as a faceless humanitarian disaster, as numbers who were far removed from us in Northern Ireland and the UK and across Ireland. But that small three-year-old boy gave those people a human face and a soul and made us recognise that it could have been any one of our families if things had been different.

What really brought it home to me was that, as a father of a young boy who will soon be three, I pictured that it could have been my son. If things had been different and I had been born in another place, how would I have been feeling? How could I have coped? What would I have wanted to do? It is that image and that message that has to come out. It is common humanity for people to want to help.

We have to commit to a plan to help. We have heard three Members speak — I am the fourth — and it is with great sadness in this Chamber that we have already heard the politics coming out in this crisis. It is not what we can do as an Assembly but as a people united together. I have heard the potshots at the British and Irish Governments about Assad and ISIS.

This matter of the day should have been about what we can do and what we can do now. As an elected representative, a father and a human being, I think that that is what we should be taking out of this matter of the day. It is not about pointing the finger at who was and was not to blame, nor is it about looking at what numbers we are going to or cannot take. It is about how we can help. If that is the coordinated response, through the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom and through Europe, which is their responsibility and which we, as a devolved region, are part of, let us play our part and let them play their part. Let this be a solution to the global crisis that many have spoken about, but let this not be another political football for us to kick round the Chamber.

Stewart Dickson (Alliance, East Antrim)

Northern Ireland has a very long and very proud history of helping those in need in similar situations in the past, and today is certainly no different. No one could fail to have been horrified when they looked at the newsprint and pictures emerging from this crisis; a crisis that has been there but that has been brought sharply into focus by those photographs of the pain and suffering of people wishing to escape the unfathomable horrors of war.

As others said, perhaps more could have been done and, indeed, should be done. We all need to take responsibility, and we will all have to answer for what we did in this particular crisis situation, as we will have to do for many other things that we have had to step up to the mark for. However, I have been heartened over the weekend by those ordinary citizens right across Northern Ireland who want to do something because we all know that it is the right thing to do. Whether it is to make financial donations to organisations like Red Cross, Save the Children or Christian Aid, or to get involved in spontaneous community collections of clothing and supplies for families, no matter where they are, if they are in need and if we can help alleviate their problems, we should do that.

It has also been saddening over the weekend to look at some of the negative comment that has been made about those of us who wish to help and who do not want to make political points but to genuinely get involved in providing for those who are suffering.

It is just amazing to watch the response of ordinary people in Northern Ireland as they rise above all that negativity and as we do what we all can to help to alleviate this horrendous humanitarian problem. Even if we can help only one small child or family, we should all be getting out there and doing that. I encourage the Assembly to do what it can to help alleviate these problems, working together with our Government and Governments internationally.

Jim Allister (Traditional Unionist Voice, North Antrim)

Of course, one would be lacking in any spark of humanity if one was not touched by some of the images that we have seen. It is right that there must be an appropriate response. I am sure that each one of us, privately and individually — in showing the genuineness of our concern, perhaps the more privately the better — will wish to respond to the humanitarian appeals. Of course, there has to be a national response, but, this being a reserved matter, the responsibility for it lies exclusively with the United Kingdom Government. If and when they announce the number of genuine refugees that are to be received into the United Kingdom, our responsibility, in this part of the United Kingdom, moves to taking our proportionate share of those refugees. In that, I am sure, we will not be found wanting.

I think that the scheme of taking refugees has to be informed by a determination not to reward the merchants of death who have been engaged in people transportation across the Mediterranean — the people smugglers. We cannot reward, encourage and grow their evil business in the response that we make.

Therefore it is right that the Government should focus on the source of the refugees being in the camps in Syria. I think that the Government have also to be careful and very vigilant in ensuring that, in the bringing in of refugees, we do not threaten the security of the United Kingdom. By that I mean that the Government have to be vigilant in ensuring that, under the cover of the refugee crisis, there is not an influx of ISIS jihadists into the United Kingdom.

It is, of course, a huge humanitarian problem. It has to be tackled with sensitivity, but with common sense, and some of the common sense informs us of the fact that we should not be rewarding those who organise the transport, in deadly conditions, for profit, of refugees, and we should be carefully regarding our own borders for the future.

Steven Agnew (Green, North Down)

You cannot fail to be moved by the images that have been shared across the world of the current refugee crisis, but it is hard not to reflect on how disappointing and embarrassing the UK Government's response had been prior to the picture of Aylan Kurdi being circulated. To that point, the UK had taken in only 216 Syrian refugees. When compared with many of our European neighbours, we certainly could not have been deemed to have stepped up, and whilst I welcome the fact that the Prime Minister has committed to taking thousands more, I regret that it took that image and a public outcry to force him and the Government to step up to the plate.

There has been a lack of leadership. Unfortunately, it is a humanitarian issue, but it is also a political issue, because political decisions have to be made to ensure that the UK acts as a refuge for those who seek sanctuary. The Prime Minister recently rejected the EU Commission's call for the UK to take in 18,000 refugees as part of a coordinated European response.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

May I interrupt the Member? A Member's phone or electronic device is close to the microphones. I ask them to remove it. Thank you.

Steven Agnew (Green, North Down)

Thank you, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker. We need a Europe-wide coordinated response. No country can solve this problem on its own, but the UK should be playing its part to help others who are less fortunate, as it is still a wealthy nation. Our people have made it clear that that is what they want to see this country do, and I think that the Prime Minister should heed the words and calls of the constituents of the UK.

Northern Ireland, for its part, must ensure that it heeds the words of the Northern Ireland Community of Refugees and Asylum Seekers (NICRAS), which has said that, as an organisation, it would struggle to provide support. We must ensure that we play our part. Whilst we cannot decide the numbers that are taken in, we can decide how we allocate support if and when refugees arrive on our shores. We must make sure that they find a better life here than that life from which they have fled.

Basil McCrea (NI21, Lagan Valley)

Of course, when you look at the pictures, you cannot be anything other than distraught. I think that I join with all people here when I say that, when you looked at the photographs, it was appalling. The question then arises as to what we do about it. I have to say that I struggle to know what I, personally, can do. There are a number of questions here. There are those who say, "Let's not bring politics into this". That is wrong. This is about politics; everything is about politics. There are some hard questions to be asked. I am not saying that I have an answer, but, when we talk about the military intervention in Syria, the question arises: would we be supportive of setting up safe havens in Syria or Turkey and providing military support to do that? Surely, it is better to keep people where they are.

I also have to say that, unlike Scotland and Wales, we do not have a refugee integration strategy in Northern Ireland — maybe we ought to work on that — or a race equality strategy. I say that because it is important. This is but one case of refugees, but thousands of people are streaming in from Africa, fleeing drought and deprivation there. We need some solution and not just a gnashing of teeth and a rending of clothes. We need to find out what it is that we will do.

I have to say to you that this is a political issue that requires a political response, and we should debate it. We really need to find a way to tackle humanitarian concerns that affect us all, but that needs to be done in a planned and long-term manner. I hope that the House will address the necessary strategies and the missing policies.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

Ms Ruane began her contribution by saying that we should not dwell on the horrific pictures that we have seen, but I think that we should. People dead and washed ashore, and a boy cold not from the chill of the water but through death, which came far sooner than it should have, but death was the risk that his family took for his survival. I said last week that I would not wish for his family's circumstances, and I am really sure that they would not have wished for them either.

I am very fortunate in the life that I lead. In fact, every single one of us in the House is very fortunate in the life that we lead. What all this does, other than hopefully ensuring that those people now get the help and support that they need, is to put things into perspective. Is it not ironic that the House is united when it comes down to real human tragedy? I hope that, in the days and months ahead, we can look to our own advice for our own circumstances, but I do think that we need to help these people.

Whilst I agree with Mr Swann when he said that energy from some quarters had gone into blaming, I think that that energy should be refocused on helping, because those people need help and support right now. Equally, I agree with Mr McCrea: political circumstances brought these events about on a long arm, and the only way that we will fix this politically is to look back and see how we can help them. Bickering about those circumstances today will not bring that little boy back, but help may stop others from finding themselves in the same circumstances.

John McCallister (UUP, South Down)

Like others have said, not only in this country but around the world, that photo certainly seems to have shocked the world into action. I have a three-year-old son who is the same age as that wee boy. The difference in their circumstances, as Mr Swann highlighted, depends on where they happened to be born and are living. One lives in a modern, wealthy, affluent nation where a three-year-old goes to nursery school. The other fled and tragically drowned trying to get to a better life. That has rightly shocked our nation and the world into action. There is a longing out there in that everyone wants to do something, whether that is in a very personal, quiet way by providing either financial or practical support that they can send out in aid, which brings out the good in everyone across our country. There is a yearning to do something and to respond to this.

The wider issues will not be solved today. We have a huge humanitarian crisis on Europe's doorstep, and it is about how Europe and the world respond to that. How much aid? How many refugees can they take in, and how much need can be met?

What dangers will be faced by those who are left behind? How do we respond to that? How does the world deal with that in a part of the world that has had so many problems for so many years? People have talked about intervention and its difficulties, but Syria is one place that the UK Parliament voted not to intervene in. Looking at where the bulk of these people are moving from is something for another day and a longer-term strategy. It is about how we deal with the here and now, and that will bring out the very best in each and every citizen in our country as we all try to respond and do something to provide support at a practical level.

Seán Rogers (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

It is shameful that it has taken the death of one little boy to shock the western world into action. One of the major focuses of our deliberations has been on global migration, including the growing refugee crisis resulting from the persecution of Christians and other minorities in the Middle East and north Africa. The particular plight of Syrian refugees is such that one in every four refugees is Syrian.

As legislators, we are united in our opposition to the politics of fear and in honouring rights and the common good so that migration can be legal and of choice rather than of necessity. In the light of there being over 60 million currently displaced persons worldwide, we believe it imperative that we provide humanitarian refuge. Even more importantly, it is imperative to effectively address the causes that force people to flee their homes and to offer durable solutions for those whose lives continue to be uprooted. These solutions include effective international protection and concrete support for persecuted minorities who wish to remain in their home countries; the restoration of political stability and security to allow for voluntary and safe return; socio-economic development and the rule of law, including anti-corruption measures to ensure that people can enjoy the fruits of their own lands; long-term planning and training standards and the bilateral organisation of legal migration flows to effectively match the needs of the receiving countries with the labour talents of the sending countries; and effective and peaceful integration into host countries, offering communities between them of diverse peoples based on values of love, justice, equality and freedom.

We trust that the Westminster and Dublin Governments will follow the lead, albeit a bit late, of Germany and Austria and welcome migrants to this island. It is not so long since our ancestors left this island on coffin ships to seek a better future. Now is the time to show that we really care about our fellow man. Words are just a start; we need action.

Assembly Business

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

As with similar motions, the motions on Statutory Committee membership will be treated as business motions. Therefore, there will be no debate.

Resolved:

That Mr Gordon Lyons be appointed as a member of the Committee for Social Development. — [Mr Weir.]

Resolved:

That Ms Claire Hanna replace Mr Seán Rogers as a member of the Public Accounts Committee; and that Ms Claire Hanna replace Mr Joe Byrne as a member of the Committee for Regional Development. — [Mr Ramsey.]

Executive Committee Business

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I call the Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment to introduce the Bill on behalf of the Minister for Social Development.

Jonathan Bell (DUP, Strangford)

I beg to introduce the Houses in Multiple Occupation Bill [NIA 60/11-16], which is a Bill to make provision for and in connection with the licensing of houses in multiple occupation.

Bill passed First Stage and ordered to be printed.

Committee Business

Trevor Clarke (DUP, South Antrim)

I beg to move

That, in accordance with Standing Order 33(4), the period referred to in Standing Order 33(2) be extended until 25 November 2015, in relation to the Committee Stage of the Water and Sewerage Services Bill [NIA 51/11-16].

The Water and Sewerage Services Bill will amend and confer power to amend the Water and Sewerage Services (Northern Ireland) Order 2006, and for connected purposes. The Bill was introduced on Tuesday 16 June 2015, with its Second Stage taking place on Monday 29 June 2015, following which the Bill moved on to Committee Stage. The Committee agreed at its meeting on 1 July 2015 to seek the permission of the House to extend the Committee Stage to 25 November 2015 to allow for a full consultation and consideration of a number of important aspects of the Bill.

The Committee has undertaken pre-legislative scrutiny of the Bill and worked very closely with the Department in ensuring that this tight deadline can be kept to, including consulting on the Bill, with Committee officials meeting the departmental briefing team during summer recess. The Committee agreed during a recent strategic planning exercise that the Bill was a priority and confirmed its commitment to continuing to work with the Department to ensure its passage through the House.

Question put and agreed to. Resolved:

That, in accordance with Standing Order 33(4), the period referred to in Standing Order 33(2) be extended until 25 November 2015, in relation to the Committee Stage of the Water and Sewerage Services Bill [NIA 51/11-16].

Daithí McKay (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

I beg to move

That, in accordance with Standing Order 33(4), the period referred to in Standing Order 33(2) be extended to 18 December 2015, in relation to the Committee Stage of the Legal Complaints and Regulation Bill [NIA 50/11-16].

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. As Members will be aware, the Bill arises from the policy recommendations made by the legal services review group chaired by Professor Sir George Bain in 2006. As I outlined at Second Stage, the Committee has been endeavouring to proactively gather evidence on the policy aims of the Bill and commissioned research into the approaches being taken in other applicable jurisdictions for the regulation of the legal profession and the handling of complaints. Given the significance of the Bill, it will be important that the detailed provisions are carefully scrutinised at Committee Stage, since the new regulations will impact solicitors and barristers in how complaints are handled, with the introduction of a Legal Services Oversight Commissioner.

Moreover, the proposed new arrangements will have a direct bearing on the consumer. During its preliminary scrutiny, the Committee noted that a power relationship can exist between lawyer and client. That is something we need to be careful to factor in when identifying and assessing the evidence.

I reiterate my previous comments that we must ensure that a balance is struck and that the new arrangements are proportionate, but also that they command the confidence of the public. As part of its scrutiny, the Committee will need to ensure that it has the full picture of the level and scale of complaints on the ground. The Committee is therefore seeking this extension to provide sufficient time and space to consider whether the Bill strikes the necessary balance in meeting the needs of the legal profession and consumers, whilst providing efficient and effective arrangements into the future. I ask Members to support the motion.

Question put and agreed to. Resolved:

That, in accordance with Standing Order 33(4), the period referred to in Standing Order 33(2) be extended to 18 December 2015, in relation to the Committee Stage of the Legal Complaints and Regulation Bill [NIA 50/11-16].

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

The Business Committee has agreed to allow up to two hours for this debate. The proposer will have 15 minutes to propose the motion and 15 minutes to wind. All other Members who wish to speak will have five minutes.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

I beg to move

That this Assembly approves the 'Opportunities for Excellence' report of the Committee for Enterprise, Trade and Investment on its inquiry into growing the economy and creating jobs with lower corporation tax; and calls on the Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment, in conjunction with his Executive colleagues, to implement the recommendations contained in the report.

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. Ba mhaith liom toiseacht anseo agus mo bhuíochas a ghabháil le gach aon duine a thug eolas dúinn i rith an fhiosrúcháin. I would like to start by thanking all those who gave evidence to the Committee during this inquiry: those who provided written submissions, those who corresponded with the Committee and those who attended the Committee to give oral evidence. I would also like to thank officials from the Department and Invest NI who provided written submissions and attended the Committee. I would particularly like to thank the Committee staff for their support, and indeed members for their input and scrutiny throughout the inquiry.

The inquiry has been very comprehensive. The Committee has looked at every relevant aspect of Government and at how the decisions made at the Executive table can influence the economy here. We have heard repeatedly that the devolution of corporation tax is not the silver bullet that will solve all our economic problems at one stroke. It was with this in mind that the Committee undertook the inquiry. The Committee sought to achieve three aims through the inquiry: first, to identify the main factors that will influence economic development in the future; secondly, to assess the adequacy of current provision in relation to those factors; and, thirdly, to make recommendations where improvements are needed.

The inquiry was undertaken on the assumption that corporation tax would be devolved and that the rate would be reduced significantly from 2017. It is important, however, to highlight the fact that the recommendations in this inquiry remain relevant regardless of whether or not corporation tax is devolved and regardless of the rate at which corporation tax will be set in the future. Personally speaking, I hope and trust that we will see progress on that.

This is about getting our economic house in order to make Northern Ireland attractive to investors as a good place to do business. I would like to start off by commending the positive and constructive work that is being undertaken by some of our Departments, arm's-length bodies and district councils to support business growth and job creation. There are a number of examples highlighted in the report where policies focus on business needs and demonstrate a joined-up approach between various parts of government. The fundamental problem is that there is just not enough of this sort of thing happening and that what is being done is not always being done at a high enough level.

Key business representative organisations have demonstrated that there is no overall long-term, strategic, integrated approach to economic development. Long-term policies within Executive Departments often seem to be developed in isolation and with little consideration of the wider needs of other areas of government. Many policies are not sufficiently strategic. They are not aligned to a strategic vision. They fail to see beyond the four- or five-year Programme for Government cycle. There is no evidence of a strategic, joined-up approach, horizontally between Executive Departments or vertically between regional and local government. Worryingly, there is no recognition that a problem exists. There was no evidence that there is any agreed approach at Executive level to look at how policies can be better integrated in future.

If we are to create an attractive environment for business investment, we must make sure that we have a workforce with the skills that businesses will need into the future. We must make sure that we have the right infrastructure in place for key services such as transport, energy, telecoms and water, and we must make sure that those are adequately developed across the North, not just in pockets here and there. There is no point in trying to attract a large financial services company to north Down if we cannot provide that company with an appropriately skilled workforce. There is no point in trying to attract a data centre to south Antrim if we do not have the required level of connectivity. There is no point in trying to attract a manufacturing company to mid-Ulster if it cannot get the electricity supply that it requires. What is needed is a fully integrated approach — a joined-up approach between Departments that involves all district councils with input from the business, employee and community sectors.

The key recommendation from the inquiry is for a rolling 20-year shared vision and strategy for economic development. It is difficult to see where we will be in 20 years' time. The Programme for Government provides a firm five-year plan, but it should do so with a view to what is expected to transpire in the five years beyond that and how that is likely to impact in the longer-term future. We need to be bold, forward-thinking and visionary.

We are told that a reduced level of corporation tax could potentially bring up to 40,000 jobs by 2030. That is only 15 years away. How was that figure determined? Where will those jobs be located? Will we have an additional 40,000 cars travelling into Belfast, or will the jobs be located across the region? Will we have adequate housing to accommodate the people whom those jobs will bring, or will it create a property boom that we cannot sustain in the long term? We have already had some of that. Will our transport infrastructure be able to cope? What sectors will those jobs be in? Will we have the skilled people to fill those vacancies? Although such questions cannot be answered with any level of accuracy, we need to be aware of them and start to plan, manage and develop answers and begin to plan strategically for where we want to be by 2030 and beyond.

We need to be in a position where we have influence and control over the answers to those questions by providing the right conditions for investment. That is why we need a rolling 20-year vision. The key elements of the vision should be: that it is articulated so that all parties understand it and can buy into it; that it is rolling in that it keeps being updated and refreshed as important external factors change; that it is shared across government at all levels and across the private and public sectors; and that it is a vision not only for what the economy will look like but for how all parties work together to develop the economy.

The vision for the economy must be driven by an overarching strategy for economic development. The Committee acknowledges that an economic strategy exists, but government must start to work in partnership across the business sector, the employee sector and the education, skills and community sectors. The Committee has therefore recommended the establishment of a steering group that includes representatives from all levels of government, the education and skills sectors, and business, employee and community representative organisations to develop and implement the vision and strategy.

The Committee has seen how a long-term vision can work in Stuttgart with partnership working between various interests. I would like to take this opportunity to record the Committee's gratitude to the representatives of the Stuttgart region who took the time to provide members with a detailed understanding of how government supports businesses in that part of Germany. The Committee understands the difficulties that the development of partnership working can potentially involve, especially in the early stages of development, but if we accept that everybody involved has an interest in growing the economy and creating long-term, sustainable, skilled employment across the North, we can, with the right attitude and leadership, overcome those difficulties and develop a vision and strategy that says, "We’re all in this together to create a prosperous and successful region for everyone".

I venture that the beginning of this week and the talks process no less emphasise that very point.

Included in the overarching strategy must be strategies for education and skills, economy and employment, and infrastructure. Those are the key areas that we have to get right to provide the right conditions for economic growth. Importantly, we must also include our responsibilities for society and communities. We may work in an economy, but we must not lose sight of the fact that we live in a society.

An adage that is often attributed to Lord Kelvin is this: "what gets measured gets managed". However, measuring is not something that Departments here are particularly good at. There is often a tendency to provide measures for the level of actions rather than to measure outcomes and benefits. There is also a tendency to confuse activity with achievement. If the Executive are to succeed in achieving a vision for the economy, it is important that progress towards the achievement of that vision is effectively monitored and measured. For that reason, the Committee has recommended the establishment of appropriate working groups to develop strategies and to monitor their implementation.

The development of a vision and strategy must include a review of strategically important structures, policies and processes, and we must ensure that we have strategies in place to achieve horizontal, vertical and geographical integration of high-priority policies and strategies. We must ensure that people can reap the benefits of economic growth and job creation right across the region.

In the report, a number of issues have been highlighted on creating an economy and employment strategy. DETI and DFP must have confidence that the available economic data on which decisions are based is robust, accurate, complete, timely and appropriate. That has not been the case in the past. The export plan and other strategic and local economic development plans must fully consider the relationship with our closest trading partners in the South to maximise cross-border opportunities. The advice and support provided to businesses at local level must also be reviewed, and plans should be put in place to improve and integrate the provision of advice and support in line with business needs.

Firm commitments must be made to subregional economic growth and job creation. The Departments should work in liaison with councils, which should be encouraged to work with Invest NI to develop local propositions and set targets at those local levels. Mechanisms should also be put in place at the earliest opportunity for the evaluation of the planned enterprise zone in Coleraine to consider whether and how the concept can be rolled out across the region. Similar mechanisms should be established to evaluate the planned agrifood competence centre, and consideration should be given to how that model can be adopted as a pilot to assess the viability of future competence centres in other priority sectors.

The banking sector should be encouraged to become involved as a partner in economic development to achieve a step change in the relationship between banks and business and in access to finance for those businesses. We must also look at how we can reduce the burden of unnecessary bureaucracy on businesses. In the first instance, we must draw on the experiences of other EU member states to review the way in which EU legislation is interpreted. We need to provide legislation here that removes all unnecessary bureaucratic burdens on businesses. Other EU member states seem to have developed mechanisms and ways of interpreting those rules and regulations, which facilitate and help their local economies to grow.

In creating an infrastructure strategy, DETI must revisit the recommendations in the Committee’s reviews on electricity pricing and grid connections. The Committee's electricity reviews have been commended in the business sector for providing a sound and comprehensive overview of the electricity market. It made key recommendations on pricing and grid connections that were based on the evidence that was gathered by the Committee. However, since those reviews, there has been very little activity by the Department to demonstrate how the Committee’s recommendations will be implemented. In fact, it is still unclear which of the Committee’s recommendations the Department has accepted. For example, where recommendations on pricing had implications for the single electricity market, the Department often referred to the ongoing work on electricity market reform, which it wished to see completed before further considering recommendations. That was last year. In the meantime, large energy users continue to pay, as they say, the highest electricity prices in Europe.

In relation to a recommendation on the contestability of grid connections, which could significantly decrease the costs to businesses for connections, the Department informed the Committee that it remains supportive of measures to implement contestability. What does that mean? What has the Department done to support businesses to achieve grid connections at less cost?

In response to a recommendation calling on the Department, as the lead body for electricity policy, to clearly state and communicate a long-term vision for electricity, the Department referred to its strategic energy framework. The strategic energy framework runs out in just five years' time.

More urgency needs to be given to the critical matter of electricity policy and how it impacts on businesses. Recent and ongoing events relating to electricity policy have demonstrated the need for a fundamental review of how electricity policy is developed and managed. It is essential that the potential for future economic development is not curtailed because of a failure to consider important economic factors in the development of electricity policy.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I ask the Member bring his remarks to a close.

Patsy McGlone (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mid Ulster)

OK. Maybe at that point, as there is a fair bit more to go, I will conclude.

Gordon Dunne (DUP, North Down)

I must say that I was not expecting that call. I thought that I was further down.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the motion on the Enterprise, Trade and Investment Committee's inquiry. I think that the Chairman has covered most of the issues. The title is 'Opportunities for Excellence', and I think that we all recognise that, with the reduction of corporation tax, we would have great opportunities for excellence in business development.

There is no doubt that this has been a very extensive inquiry. I thank all those who have been involved in the development of the report. Obviously, the Committee Clerk and Committee staff have put in a tremendous amount of work, along with the various members who contributed. We need to have a real focus on our economy and on creating jobs and developing the potential for lower corporation tax.

The Committee engaged in a considerable amount of work, gathering evidence on how any reduction in corporation tax would bring maximum benefits to the Northern Ireland economy, both in relation to inward investment and the sustainable growth of indigenous businesses. I appreciate the Chairman's remark earlier about trying to encourage businesses right across Northern Ireland, and I welcome the fact that he mentioned north Down.

Throughout the presentations that the Committee received, the message continuously presented was the need for political stability. It is somewhat ironic this week that this debate comes to the Chamber when the talks are about to begin. I think that we all emphasise the need for progress in the talks and for the establishment of political stability, because political stability will help this place to grow. Without it, business will not increase because of the lack of confidence in our community. Selling the message across the world that this is a positive place — a place where we have skills and where we have people waiting to work — is something that we must support.

Robin Swann (UUP, North Antrim)

Will the Member give way?

Gordon Dunne (DUP, North Down)

Yes.

Robin Swann (UUP, North Antrim)

How does that political stability tie in with the Executive not meeting?

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

The Member has an extra minute.

Gordon Dunne (DUP, North Down)

Thank you. I am sure that they will not take any lectures from the Ulster Unionist Party and its recent stunt to pull out of business in the Executive.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Member for giving way. Of course, that point was raised by the Ulster Unionist Party, which is a party that is slow to do everything. In fact, you have to ask why it did not move out of the Executive two years ago. The only thing that it did in recent history quickly was to release prisoners.

Gordon Dunne (DUP, North Down)

It is imperative that we are able to demonstrate that Northern Ireland is politically stable and is an economically ambitious place to do business. Throughout the inquiry, it was important for the Committee to keep the focus on the key drivers of economic development that have the greatest potential for economic growth and job creation. These are telecommunications, ICT, life and health sciences, agrifood, advanced materials and advanced engineering. Northern Ireland has an excellent skills base across those sectors and combines its rich heritage in heavy industry and manufacturing with the skills and research to excel in many of these fields.

We need to bridge the skills gap — that was emphasised on many occasions by contributors to Committee evidence sessions — and prioritise STEM subjects at our universities and colleges. The South Eastern Regional College (SERC) in my constituency of North Down customises courses to meet the needs of local businesses and the service sector. It has also built relationships across the world in Japan and developed exchange programmes. I appreciate the work to develop valuable apprenticeships, and we should put on record our thanks to DEL and my North Down colleague, the Minister, for pushing apprenticeships. We very much appreciate the work that has been done. We see the public advertising and the need to increase awareness and develop apprenticeships as a way into work for so many people.

There is also a clear need for a more strategic alignment of government support and a greater need at Executive level to integrate the policies of Departments that impact on key areas of economic development. That message came out clearly from the Institute of Directors, the Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce, the Federation of Small Businesses, the CBI and many others. There was also discussion of regional balance in economic development across Northern Ireland and the importance of treating Northern Ireland as one region. Invest NI, which has done an excellent job over recent years, believes that setting subregional targets may be a negative decision. It would take the focus away from Northern Ireland as a whole and, in many cases, stimulate a situation in which opportunities for this country would be missed.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I ask the Member to bring his remarks to a close.

Gordon Dunne (DUP, North Down)

Energy costs remain a real challenge for the development of our business sector. It is important that, come 2017, when the opportunity arises, the Executive moves forward with a lower rate of corporation tax to make Northern Ireland a very attractive place to do business.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

The Member's time is up.

As this is the first debate in which the Assembly will hear from Mr Adrian Cochrane-Watson, I remind the House of the convention that a maiden speech is made without interruption. That, of course, is predicated on the basis that the Member does not express extreme views in any way.

Adrian Cochrane-Watson (UUP, South Antrim)

Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I speak on behalf of the Ulster Unionist Party on the recommendations in the ETI Committee report, 'Opportunity for Excellence'. I know that my predecessor, Mr Danny Kinahan MP, was keen for the Committee to explore the economic implications of the devolution of corporation tax for Northern Ireland. I start by paying tribute to Danny. He brought a very optimistic, positive political view to the Chamber. He will continue that to the greater good of my constituency, South Antrim, and, indeed, of all in Northern Ireland as he continues the hard work at Westminster. I am honoured to represent South Antrim in this Chamber.

Although I was not on the Committee, I pay tribute to its hard work in conducting the inquiry and bringing together the report. I have no hesitation in supporting the 15 recommendations. I would, however, like to comment on a few of the issues raised.

First, I note that the inquiry discovered a consensus of opinion across the business world of Northern Ireland that there is no overall, long-term, strategic and integrated approach to economic development. That surprises me, particularly given the existence of our economic strategy, investment strategy, regional development strategy, apprenticeship strategy and Programme for Government. However, all the key stakeholders, such as the Institute of Directors, the Federation of Small Businesses (FSB), the CBI and Manufacturing NI, agree that there is no joined-up plan to grow the Northern Ireland economy. Let us face it: we have enough strategic plans and documents to paper the Great Hall — they are simply not joined up and not delivering. That is an indictment of the Sinn Féin/DUP-led Executive from 2007.

The Committee inquiry was undertaken on the assumption that corporation tax would be devolved and tax-varying powers might come into existence as early as April 2017. That now seems a very forlorn assumption, to say the least. On Monday 23 February, all five main political party leaders agreed with proposals from Invest NI that tax-varying powers should be introduced, with the aim of having a rate of 12·5% as early as 1 April 2017. Of course, the very next month, our deputy First Minister was overpowered by the southern command and reneged on that commitment. A certain Mr Declan Kearney, who, I note, is not elected by anyone, gave the judgement that Sinn Féin would not support the position of adopting a cut to corporation tax. Sinn Féin bleats about others playing politics, but it is totally about political appeasement. It tries to portray itself as a party of austerity in the Republic of Ireland.

In responding to the debate, will the Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment give us some clarity on corporation tax? Will he confirm that, as far back as February, all major parties in the Assembly had committed themselves to the lowest rate possible and the earliest implementation date, namely 12·5% and 1 April 2017? Will he confirm that, because of the decision that polarises the Executive, the chance of making that rate on that date and, indeed, of introducing lower corporation tax has been lost?

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I ask the Member to bring his remarks to a close.

Adrian Cochrane-Watson (UUP, South Antrim)

Will he further confirm that potential overseas investors will not wait for ever and that the dysfunctional Executive have proven themselves entirely unable to make decisions and stick by them? Is there a plan B if corporation tax is not devolved?

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

The Member's time is up.

Máirtín Ó Muilleoir (Sinn Féin, Belfast South)

Go raibh maith agat, a Phríomh-LeasCheann Comhairle. I wanted to make life relatively easy for the Minister and the Committee Chair by sticking to recommendation 1, but it is important to say to Adrian that a rate and date have not been agreed. That has not been agreed by the DUP or Sinn Féin, never mind by all five parties. Although the previous Minister said that she was minded to have a 12·5% rate of corporation tax, that has not been fully confirmed by the DUP either. We all wait for a rate and date, and we travel in the hope that we can get this right.

As to the inquiry report, I thank the staff who put hours and hours of hard work into making sure that we were able to come out with a cogent and strong report with clear recommendations. I also thank all who came forward as witnesses.

There is a variety of recommendations; we managed to limit ourselves to 15, which I am sure will cheer the Minister. Among those is a recommendation that mentions horizontal, vertical and geographical integration, but I will not focus on that at the minute. I want instead to talk about recommendation 1a, which is about the need for investment.

I think that we all can unite behind that.

The scale of investment needed — not only an investment strategy and fund — is very clear from the demands and requests of those who came to give evidence. In particular, we need better transport infrastructure. It remains a source of distress and concern not only to business but the community that we do not have a proper dual carriageway from here to the city of Derry. I congratulate the Minister on recent announcements. OneSource of Texas and Metaverse of California both committed to putting new investments into the north-west, but we can double down on those investments if we can improve our road infrastructure. The Dublin-Belfast economic corridor calls out for a rail link commensurate with its potential. In fact, a one-hour Belfast-Dublin express train would be a real boon to business in the time ahead.

I appeal to the Minister, as he works through the recommendations, not to skip quickly past recommendation 1a. Investment will show the business community and the entire community, especially those seeking work, how we understand that a correct infrastructure can be a boon to business and can help to facilitate business in the time ahead. I believe that we have here, certainly among those who gave evidence to the Committee, businesspeople of great ambition of confidence. I think that, if we can get our act together here, they are willing to put their shoulder to the wheel in the time ahead.

I want to finish by referencing two small businesses — of course, every large business started off small — that give me great hope in terms of the entrepreneurial flair and vision of our young people. One is Venuebooker, which is a small company that I had the pleasure of accompanying to the west coast of the USA in 2013 on an investment mission and is now up and running in Belfast. It is trying to be the Expedia for hotel meeting rooms, which is a very ambitious global vision, but we wish it well. The other is Brewbot, who are the people who invented a way to brew beer in your office. Needless to say, that managed to attract lots of interest and equity financing. If we can match the confidence, vision and ambition of those start-ups, I believe that we can build the sort of economy that our people deserve and demand in the time ahead.

Anna Lo (Alliance, Belfast South)

I welcome the opportunity to speak in today's debate as Chairperson of the Committee for the Environment. In its inquiry report, the ETI Committee found that there is a perception locally and outside the region that planning in Northern Ireland is too slow and bureaucratic in its decision-making. Planning has recently undergone a huge transformation following the transfer of the majority of our planning functions to local councils in April 2015. This presents a great opportunity to deliver a planning system that will further sustainable development and improve well-being, but also support economic development and job creation.

As the new planning arrangements bed in, the Committee will wish to monitor the effectiveness of those arrangements. The Committee is aware that DOE is awaiting Executive approval before publishing its single planning policy statement (SPPS) in final form. The draft SPPS outlines its intention to provide a set of overarching core principles that planning authorities should observe in the formation of local planning policy and the preparation of development plans. It will provide a shorter strategic expression of the Department's planning policy. The ETI Committee is of the view that the draft SPPS does not contain enough of an economic "golden thread" to set Northern Ireland apart from its competitors and suggests that an early task of any Minister with responsibility for planning powers in the next mandate should be to review the statement with the aim of achieving an economic golden thread throughout.

While the Committee for the Environment appreciates that a review of the SPPS will be required, we are six months into the new planning arrangements, and it has still not even been published. While the Committee is aware of the reasons for that, it creates great uncertainty amongst local councils and those who either are submitting applications or are affected by them. It is essential that the SPPS is published as soon as possible so that councils can make planning decisions based on a clear policy direction, making the process more transparent and accountable. Also, any planning policy framework must ensure that our local environment and all its inhabitants are protected.

The other area that I would like to provide comment on is better regulation. The ETI Committee has found that a stable and business-friendly legal and regulatory environment is a key selling point to a new investor. The European Commission has begun its regulatory fitness and performance review. Closer to home, DOE has also initiated regulatory reform, which includes the Environmental Better Regulation Bill and prosperity agreements. The Committee recognises that reform is necessary and that there is a need to streamline aspects of the regulatory system to reduce the burden on business and provide a clearer, simplified regulatory system whilst maintaining environmental standards.

Prosperity agreements are an innovative approach adopted by the Northern Ireland Environment Agency (NIEA) to work in partnership with its customers who comply or go beyond compliance with their environmental obligations. Prosperity agreements aim to improve customer and outcome focus, reduce red tape and unlock opportunities. They allow NIEA to provide additional regulatory capacity where it is needed and to support companies with a stable environmental performance to self-regulate.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I ask the Member to bring her remarks to a close.

Anna Lo (Alliance, Belfast South)

That is a voluntary management arrangement and can help improve a company's environmental and economic outcomes. That concludes my comments.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I support this piece of work and the Committee inquiry, which we undertook several months ago. Of course, we had to read up on it to make sure that we were refreshed with its content, because it was an extensive piece of work around a very, very important issue, namely the economy and creation of jobs in this country. The most important things that the people of this Province worry about, which I hear when I knock on the doors of my constituency, are prosperity and a future for their children. In this House, we are tasked with making sure that the future is real, tangible and profitable for our people, and that is the job that we should set ourselves to.

There is absolutely no doubt about it: corporation tax will be a massive tool in the toolbox of government if we can get tax-varying powers. However, with every single tax-varying power that any Administration or Government have, there comes a massive responsibility. Why would any sovereign Government give this Assembly tax-varying powers of that nature when we cannot even make the hard decisions that have to be made in this House? I work with parties across the way on the Committees every day to produce reports like this, but until they start doing what they say and practising what they preach, these Committee reports will mean nothing. Until we can make the hard decisions around welfare reform and close that bulging hole in our Budget, we will not be able to do anything for our people.

It is down to the intransigence of parties across the way. What are you scared of? Why will you not make the hard decisions? They affect your people, they affect my people and they affect your families and my family. They affect all our people, yet you sit on your hands and do nothing. It is about time that parties across the way grew up and decided to make hard decisions around welfare reform and mend the gap in our Budget. If we cannot mend the gap in the Budget, we can do nothing. We will be paralysed. We will not to be able to help families and we will not be able to help businesses. We will be no help to anyone.

John McCallister (UUP, South Down)

Will the Member give way?

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I will, yes.

John McCallister (UUP, South Down)

How will the Executive not meeting help to deal with the very issues that he mentions?

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

The Member has an extra minute.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

I thank the Member for that because he is coming on to the very next subject that I was going to speak on.

It is also very clear that, when politicians in this House cannot make a decision around the hard decisions to be made, it is also true to say that murders on our streets, committed by people who are connected to people in parties in a Government, will undermine and sap away all of the confidence that the business community has. We cannot sit idly by and allow that to happen. We will take —

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I ask the Member to return to the motion.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

OK, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker, I will return to the motion by saying that, unless the business community has confidence in this place and the parties that take part in this place, we are in a very bad place. Things have to be addressed around the confidence issues in this country and by some of the parties involved.

There is no doubt that this piece of work is of great merit, and, having spoken to the Minister, I know that he is taking a lot of this on board, and he will speak to it very shortly. It is important to look at some of the things that need to be done. We need to make sure that the skills are there for companies to come into Northern Ireland. If we want to promote Northern Ireland to global companies, we need to make sure that the skills are at hand to be employed. We need to ensure that schools produce students who are employable. It is not good enough to have students coming out of school with exam results or grades; they need to be employable, and that employability has to be attached to the education system, with business having a greater say in schools. I think that government must be agile yet not react with a knee-jerk. I think that they must be responsive to business but not restrictive. We need to be the runway for business to take off. We should not be in the cockpit; that is business's job. We need to lay the runway for business to take off.

Some things are hampering the take off. There is no doubt that energy is a massive issue, and, until we tackle the core pressure of everything to do with energy — that being the cost of it — everything else will be problematic. The grid strengthening will be problematic. Connection to the grid will be a problem until we get the cost of energy down, and getting the cost of energy down is the most important aspect. Not everybody wants to connect to the grid. Not everybody wants to put up a turbine.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

I ask the Member to bring his remarks to a close.

Paul Frew (DUP, North Antrim)

It is the pressure and the burden of the costs of energy that make people want to connect to the grid, and that has a ripple effect and a snowballing effect on the costs. These are very important issues, and I commend this report to the House.

William Humphrey (DUP, Belfast North)

Mr Principal Deputy Speaker, can I start by asking the Minister whether he will join with me, when he comes to the Dispatch Box, in wishing Michael O'Neill, Steven Davis and the Northern Ireland team all the very best for tonight's international qualifier at Windsor Park, which could see us going to France next year?

I want to start off by congratulating the Committee Clerk and the staff of the Committee for Enterprise, Trade and Investment for all the work that has been done in compiling this report. As colleagues have said, this report has been a long time in the making, but I think that it is a valuable piece of work. Investment is key to the Northern Ireland economy and how we get that economy to grow. My party has worked very hard to try to have that economy rebalanced, and I will perhaps return to that if time allows.

Many of the issues that Members have spoken about have been addressed in the Stormont House Agreement. Had that been agreed, as it was by many of those parties that are now complaining about issues, and had it been implemented, perhaps we would be in a different place. People talk about the date and rate. We cannot get the date and rate if people are not prepared to recommend it to the executive of their party or are told by people in another country that their policy has to change, as happened with Sinn Féin. We also cannot have these things passed on and implemented to the devolved Assembly by the national Government if we do not have stability. Of course, the actions of the IRA over the summer, in the murder of Mr McGuigan, as well as the other murders that happened on the streets of this city, which have to be condemned by all right-thinking people, all indicate that that stability is not there. Work needs to be done in Northern Ireland to provide that surety to government and to deal with the issue — the cancer that is paramilitary activity and terrorism.

Rebuilding the economy, introducing corporation tax and welfare reform are hugely important. Parties need to demonstrate in the Executive and Assembly and to the national Government that they are fiscally and financially literate. We have seen some parties that have failed lamentably to do that in theory, never mind in practice. Paying fines to the national Government instead of having investment in education, roads, health, training and so on is an absolute crime. It is a shame. That is a false economy. That opportunity cost and that investment issue are things that Northern Ireland is suffering from. We need a more joined-up approach in the governance of this place, in the Assembly here at Stormont and in local government, as well as to work with the private sector, universities and colleges to try to ensure that that which is needed out there to provide skills for young people to get long-term and meaningful employment is exactly what we provide. I think we have been failing lamentably in the process of trying to do that.

The fastest growing part of the Northern Ireland economy is tourism. I congratulate all those who have been working hard to deal with the issues of perception and reputation. Northern Ireland has suffered because of the Troubles and because of terrorism, which is why we need to have those issues resolved once and for all. It has suffered internationally in its reputation and in perceptions, with people not wanting to come here on holiday and not wanting to come here to invest. Those are issues that we thought we had put behind us. Sadly, as the summer unfolded, that was not the case. We need to address those issues and to have that investment. We need to work and support Invest NI, Tourism NI, Visit Belfast, the Northern Ireland Executive writ large and Tourism Ireland in selling Northern Ireland nationally and internationally.

This city is the travel and transportation hub for Northern Ireland. It has a huge and growing number of hotels. That is important as we continue to sell Northern Ireland as a tourist destination. I welcome the investments that were announced over the summer by local hoteliers in the private sector to further invest in more hotels, and I give credit to the government agencies that have been working hard to do that. Rebalancing the economy and addressing those issues is absolutely vital. There have been events such as the Giro d'Italia, the World Police and Fire Games, the Tall Ships, the City of Culture and a wide number of other sporting events, and there has been, indeed, sporting excellence. I congratulate yet another of our rowers on becoming a world champion in the latter part of last week. Sporting excellence such as that in the Northern Ireland football team is very important.

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

Will the Member bring his remarks to a close?

William Humphrey (DUP, Belfast North)

I ask Members, when considering the report, to remember what their party stands for and is committed to and to get on with doing it so that we get the investment that we need in Northern Ireland to provide the infrastructure, rebalance the economy and provide jobs, certainty and financial security for our people.

Fearghal McKinney (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

I rise as a member of the Committee for Enterprise, Trade and Investment and on behalf of the SDLP to support the recommendations put forward in the report. Over the last year, corporation tax has divided opinion among economists, academics and businesses etc, but we have consistently heard that it will bring 40,000 jobs and have also been told that, on its own, it will not be a silver bullet. The report today serves as an illustration of that point.

It is a comprehensive and wide-ranging report that took a holistic approach in analysing how Executive decisions directly influence the economy and how we can best facilitate long-term infrastructural development, economic growth and, most importantly, job creation.

I would like to take this opportunity to commend all those involved in bringing forward this report, including the Committee Chair and members, Clerks, departmental officials and the many stakeholders who gave evidence. It has been an arduous task, by any measure.

Today's report is a timely reminder of the major economic problems that we face. It is clear, as has been reflected here, that our economy is not performing as well as it could be, and we only have to point at the key indicators that compare us with the rest of the UK and the Republic of Ireland to emphasise the point.

I am glad that we now have the ability to debate the report and its key recommendation of implementing a 20-year rolling plan for Northern Ireland. That is what it is calling for, but I repeat what it says we do not have — a view shared by those at the heart of business here — we do not have a long-term economic plan for the North. There is no overall strategic integrated approach to economic development and there is no recognition that a problem exists. Is anybody embarrassed? They should be. Departments developing policy in isolation is not dependent on welfare reform. They are not aligned to a long-term strategic vision; that is not dependent on welfare reform. There is no evidence of a joined-up approach between Departments, local councils, business and the community in developing new policies; that is not dependent on welfare reform. Joined-up government should be a fundamental principle of any economic policy, as there is little value in one Department attempting to attract FDI to areas where there are skills deficits.

Fra McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Will the Member give way?

Fearghal McKinney (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Yes, I will.

Fra McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I noted that the previous Member spoke about the need for tourism, which we all agree with, but do you not find it strange that a person who stands at Twaddell Avenue and is blasted all over the world is talking about tourism, and that, in itself, goes against people coming to this place?

Robin Newton (DUP, Belfast East)

The Member has an extra minute.

Fearghal McKinney (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast South)

Thank you, Mr Principal Deputy Speaker. I thank the Member for his intervention; he makes the point very well. As I was saying, there is little point in one Department attempting to attract FDI to areas where there are skills deficits in the workforce, where there is limited connectivity, transport links and electricity supply. The Chair of the Committee made that point very well indeed. That should have been the job of government. It should be a top priority during the end of this mandate and throughout the next. We cannot continue to have a shared-out government — one for me and one for you — but genuine, joined-up and delivering. In what way is it joined up, and in what other Government, would it be acceptable for one Minister to instigate a judicial review against another? What we need is a fully integrated and collaborative approach to economic policy that is truly joined-up and which transverses all levels of government, and, even as the report reflects, transverses mandates and fully involves business and the community.

May I add one point that the Chair did not have the opportunity to make? It reflects a point in the report that further work will need to be undertaken to further consider the requirements for a society and community strategy.

Ministers will big up their own strategies, for example, the joint 'Enabling Success' for 2030 and its focus on economic inactivity, and that is welcome. However, in the meantime, STEM subjects are being cut, most recently, maths and English language courses at the University of Ulster. Where is the economic focus there? We are cutting higher education while other parts of the UK and the Republic are investing more in it. Here is the irony: we want corporation tax to attract companies to bring in students and graduates, and, in the meantime, we are cutting the training for those very graduates.

We need to make a very clear point. We do not need to restructure the institutions of the Assembly to get joined-up government. Ministers must realise, first and foremost, that their brief entails a major economic component and that working in silos must no longer be an option.

Today's report also makes recommendations for key economic interventions across government, business and the community. It highlights the need for more robust and accurate economic data; encourages better cross-border cooperation; calls for a more detailed analysis of the impact of a potential EU exit; and calls for the establishment of economic zones to target regional imbalance.

I am conscious that time has beaten me, but I recommend the report to the Assembly.

Leslie Cree (UUP, North Down)

I support the Committee's report into growing the economy and creating jobs with lower corporation tax. Clearly, a lot of work has gone into the Committee's inquiry. I note its key recommendation:

"the Executive must articulate and implement a rolling 20-year shared Vision & Strategy for Economic Development."

This has been debated over the years, but the prevailing view was that a short Programme for Government was the right thing to do.

No business can work successfully without a strategic plan, which has to cover the short- and medium-term. The plan must also be reviewed and updated through each Programme for Government, and the strategy must be fully integrated. It is essential that the Executive change their current, comparably passive approach to one that is proactive and has a can-do attitude to developing Northern Ireland's economy and infrastructure. That will be a new and more challenging issue for the Executive, but it must happen. For too long, the Executive have been slow to react and shown little original thinking or innovation.

I also support the vision of a strategy that is driven by a regional economic development framework, with integrated strategies for the economy and employment — Members referred to that — education and skills, infrastructure, society and community. I believe that that is the way to go.

The Ulster Unionist Party was first to push for the devolution of corporation tax. In my time on the Committee for Enterprise, Trade and Investment, which started in 2007 — I was very young then — we were very aware of the Republic of Ireland's success in attracting business because of a low rate of corporation tax. Even during the bailout, following the Irish Government's financial crash, they were determined to hold on to a low tax regime at all costs. That illustrates how important the tax was to foreign direct investors and, indeed, to indigenous businesses. We recognised that fact as important then and have been pushing for the power to administer corporation tax in Northern Ireland since then.

At Stormont House last year, we had agreement to have the tax devolved. Sinn Féin agreed to it and supported the principle completely. Unfortunately, following pressure from its colleagues in the Republic of Ireland, it reneged on the whole deal on welfare reform and on the devolution of corporation tax. That is myopic and is a lost opportunity, especially as the Westminster Government, in honouring their part of the agreement, have arranged for the necessary legislation to be put in place. We need to correct this matter urgently if we are serious about developing our economy and creating a future for our young people.

(Mr Speaker in the Chair)

I recognise the uncertainty about the United Kingdom's membership of the European Union and its potential for the economy. If we get the right deal, fine, if not, we must be competitive in the changed circumstances. Either way, we need the power to decide corporation tax. The Executive have to address the issue and consider the impact on the Northern Ireland economy, should the United Kingdom exit the European Union. The report highlights this issue, and the work has to start without further delay. There will, of course, be a cost to the block grant, but that can be phased in after a date has been set. Companies wishing to expand their businesses will base decisions on the planned future tax rates. There is always a planning period ahead of investments by local or foreign companies.

The current fiasco of the Stormont House Agreement sends the wrong message to investors and undermines business confidence in Northern Ireland. It was intended that the legislation would be implemented by April 2017. Sinn Féin's stalling on the agreement has the potential to destroy years of hard work and will damage our economy.

Access to finance has been a problem for businesses in Northern Ireland. Banking is not a devolved matter, and bank lending has been a major difficulty for businesses here. I am aware that the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Investment has created some financial facilities to assist SMEs over the years. That is to be commended, but more needs to be done. The report recognises this and has undertaken significant surveys and taken much evidence on the subject.

I commend the report. It is a great pity that it was not undertaken before now. The Executive need to up their game to ensure that Northern Ireland is prepared to succeed in a difficult global economy and to operate in a very changing world.

The debate stood suspended.

Oral Answers to Questions — Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister

Judith Cochrane (Alliance, Belfast East)

1. Mrs Cochrane asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given the implementation of the childcare strategy, for their assessment of the capacity of the current childcare system to meet increased demand for services and trained staff. (AQO 8562/11-16)

Rosaleen McCorley (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

10. Ms McCorley asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister, given the importance of child development in early years, to outline how any new childcare strategy will address child development issues. (AQO 8571/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

A Cheann Comhairle, Mr Speaker, with your permission, I will ask junior Minister McCann to answer.

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Mr Speaker, with your permission, I will answer questions 1 and 10 together. The Executive's draft 10-year strategy for affordable, integrated childcare is out for consultation until mid-November. It fulfils a Programme for Government commitment and puts child development at the heart of the Executive's vision for childcare. A central aim of the draft strategy is to give all of our children the best start in life, preparing them for lifelong well-being and achievement, thereby creating the basis for a better and more prosperous future.

The draft strategy sets out the Executive's vision for childcare, which is one based on shared aims and objectives. It proposes 22 areas of development where action is needed to give effect to that vision and proposes the creation of a significant number of new childcare places to meet need. We recognise that that will lead to an increased demand for skilled childcare workers, and we fully expect the current workforce to expand. Workforce development is a key element of the draft strategy, building on the key first actions launched in 2013. There are a number of specific proposals for training to enhance skills and create pathways into working in childcare. We are working closely with the Department for Employment and Learning on the detail of estimating the extent of demand for new training places and the cost of meeting that demand. We are also undertaking a skills audit in each of the childcare partnerships' respective areas. Delivering the childcare strategy and achieving its aims and objectives will require coordinated action from a range of Departments and services.

Judith Cochrane (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for her answer. Given that children born at the start of this mandate started school last week, does the Minister think that it is acceptable that the parents of those children have been disadvantaged for four years and will continue to be disadvantaged due to the failure of OFMDFM to deliver real, tangible action on affordable childcare, even when money was allocated for it?

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I assume that the Member is talking about Bright Start and the 15 actions. The money has been allocated. Several millions have already been spent in those childcare programmes. I have been involved in situations in which a number of service providers came and got money for different elements of Bright Start and those first actions. We were concentrating on school-age childcare because that is where the need was identified in the beginning. I think that that is getting rolled out. This will complement the childcare strategy, as I said. This is a 10-year strategy. Money and resources have been put into this strategy, and, hopefully, it will be rolled out in the same way as the first actions were. Obviously, we always hope to do more in childcare — you can never have enough childcare — but we hope that this will provide a quality service, an affordable service, which is very important for people, particularly families on a low income. We certainly hope to make those childcare places available.

Rosaleen McCorley (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as a freagraí. I thank the Minister for her answers. How will disadvantaged children be catered for in any childcare strategy?

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

As I said, it is important that disadvantaged children and disadvantaged families are included in the strategy. As I said in my response to the substantive question, a central aim is to give all our children the best start in life. Early care and education initiatives, including childcare, should, first and foremost, be focused on the developmental needs of the child.

Investment in the strategy must also address the needs of disadvantaged children to ensure better life chances for them and help to break the cycle of intergenerational poverty. It cannot simply be about servicing a labour market. That is what this particular strategy looks at: it is about the developmental programmes that are there to develop a child and meet the needs of that child.

We also know that investment in the early years leads to greater economic, social and emotional benefits later in life at an individual and societal level, and it can counter the effects of that disadvantage and deprivation. That includes children in workless households as well as working households. We need to make childcare more affordable. That is essential because 70% of children in poverty are in families where at least one parent is working. It is very clear that we need to ensure that those low-income families are provided for as well.

Just last week, we had child poverty figures published in DSD's 'Households Below Average Income' report. Again, there has been a three-point rise in relative child poverty. We cannot separate child poverty from poverty and families. That is very clear. They cannot be separated; they have to be seen in a holistic way.

Sandra Overend (UUP, Mid Ulster)

I would like to ask OFMDFM why it has failed to spend the £12 million that was set aside in the Programme for Government for accessible affordable childcare. What is its assessment of the number of people stuck on benefits who would rather be in work but cannot be because of this OFMDFM failure?

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

To answer your last question first, I do not think that it is a failure of OFMDFM. We are going to see from the Westminster Government not just welfare reform but cuts to tax credits, which will hit families and actually put people out of work. More people will be out of work because of the decrease in tax credits, which will very much come to the fore.

In terms of funding —

[Interruption.]

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Order.

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

To answer your first question about funding, between 2011 and 2015, a budget of £12 million was to be ring-fenced in support of the childcare strategy and £4·7 million has already been allocated and, to date, £3·4 million has been spent. Money has been spent. OK, not all of it has been spent but, at the same time, this is all going to be part of the strategy.

I also remind Members — this is very important — that this is an Executive childcare strategy, so all Departments have responsibility for it.

Steven Agnew (Green, North Down)

While I welcome the long-awaited publication of the consultation on the childcare strategy, to some extent the strategy will only be as good as the resources that follow it. I ask the junior Minister what work has been done to cost the proposals in the childcare strategy. Are those costs likely to be met?

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The development of the strategy was a co-designed process, as the Member will know. We have been out talking directly to stakeholder organisations that provide childcare. More importantly, we have been talking to parents who need that childcare. All that has been costed within those proposals. As the individual actions are rolled out and delivered, we will have to look at an economic case for that. Certainly, there have already been costings, and the resources needed will be very easily identifiable within those.

Alban Maginness (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast North)

2. Mr A Maginness asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on an inquiry into cases of abuse that are outside the terms of reference of the Hart inquiry. (AQO 8563/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

With your permission, Mr Speaker, junior Minister McCann will answer this question.

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry was initiated by the 2009 Assembly debate about historical institutional abuse of children. Its terms of reference refer to children under 18 years. It was on that basis that the inquiry was designed and its chairperson and panel members appointed.

We are sensitive to the views of those who have suffered abuse who fall outside the scope of the current inquiry and we are mindful of the equally destructive impact that it has had on many people. To consider amending the scope of the terms of reference at this stage would undermine the work that has already gone into reaching this critical juncture of the inquiry. Officials have completed a scoping exercise in relation to mother and baby homes, the Magdalene laundries and clerical abuse, which we are presently giving careful consideration to.

Alban Maginness (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Belfast North)

I thank the Minister for her reply, but it really does not meet the full gravity of the situation where you have a discrete number of cases outside the terms of reference. It really is not sufficient for the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister to simply say, "It's outside the terms. Therefore, we can't do anything."

Something has to be done, and I urge the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister to go back and look at this to see whether, even at this late stage, something can be decisively done in order to remedy this anomalous situation.

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

The Member has made a very valid point. The deputy First Minister's office has made its views very clear on the options it would like to see, such as those around the mother-and-baby homes and the Magdalene-type laundries. We believe that there should be a separate inquiry into that. It is essential, particularly for the women who were over 18 and were in those institutions. We feel that there should also be an inquiry into wider clerical abuse. Even in the options around redress, we have already had a number of meetings with the Churches and different religious organisations about that and, more importantly, with the people who were directly impacted. All those issues are being discussed. As I said, we have had discussions with the First Minister's side on this, so we will be looking to pursue that and make progress on it to see where it goes.

Stephen Moutray (DUP, Upper Bann)

Given that last week the murder of Bernard Teggart was described as:

"the most horrific incident of child abuse to come before the Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry",

and given that the junior Minister has just said that she is sensitive to those who have suffered abuse, what would her comments be to the family of Bernard Teggart, given that she was also a member of the IRA in the past?

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I have spoken to that young fellow's family. Really we have to say that killing — I am talking about historical institutional abuse here. For any child to suffer such abuse, no matter what institution they were in, was horrendous. The death of any child, no matter what the circumstances are, is very tragic.

Stephen Moutray (DUP, Upper Bann)

Was it wrong?

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Order.

Bronwyn McGahan (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat. What work has been done on the issue of redress for victims and survivors of institutional abuse?

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

As I said in my earlier answer, we have had a number of meetings, over a long period, with different individuals, the four main Churches and religious orders to discuss the issue of redress. We have also had meetings with Professor Kathleen Daly, who came from Australia to talk particularly about redress and to try to develop a redress model. That work is ongoing and, while we cannot pre-empt the recommendations that will come out of the inquiry, we are hopeful that a parallel process, in which work gets done, will carry on alongside that when those recommendations are made.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

3. Mr Maskey asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline the departmental functions that will transfer from their Department to the planned Department for Communities. (AQO 8564/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The functions transferring from our Department to the new Department for Communities were agreed by the Executive and outlined by the First Minister in a statement to the Assembly on 2 March. The new Department will assume a range of OFMDFM functions in relation to the social investment fund, racial equality, united communities and good relations, disability and poverty, gender and sexual orientation and north-west sites and strategy. It will also assume sponsorship responsibilities for the Community Relations Council and Ilex, which are currently arm's-length bodies of OFMDFM.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

Go raibh maith agat. I thank the deputy First Minister for that response. Can he give us a sense of the other functions that are being transferred to other Departments under the departmental restructuring?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

In addition to the functions that are transferring to the new Department for Communities, we are transferring functions across many of the other future Departments. For example, policy responsibility for the childcare strategy and for children and young people will transfer to the Department of Education. The Department of Finance will take over the functions of the government advertising unit and the NI Direct central editorial team. The Department for Infrastructure will take over responsibility for Crumlin Road Gaol and some former military sites. The Planning Appeals Commission and Water Appeals Commission will transfer from OFMDFM to the Department of Justice.

We believe that those arrangements will ensure better and more-joined-up government.

Gregory Campbell (DUP, East Londonderry)

Among the functions that the deputy First Minister mentioned was the uniting communities function. What contribution does the deputy First Minister believe that uniting the communities would deliver if he were to admit to all of the extent of activity that he engaged in when he was a Provisional IRA second-in-command in Londonderry?

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

It is a matter for the deputy First Minister whether he wishes to answer that.

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I do not think that is relevant to the question before us.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

OK. I call Mr Mike Gibson. I beg your pardon, I did write down Mike Gibson for some reason, but I call Mike Nesbitt.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Mike Gibson?

[Laughter.]

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Did you ever play rugby in Cambridge?

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

Mike Gibson? Same school, wrong person.

The deputy First Minister is no doubt aware that the policy on coastal management and erosion is a scribbled note from a civil servant called Bateman in the 1960s that effectively says that it is not an issue. But it is an issue when roads outside Ballywalter collapse because of coastal mismanagement that impacts on an everyday basis on the people of the Ards peninsula. Will the deputy First Minister commit to looking at that in the restructuring of functions and promise the people that there will be a lead Department for coastal management matters?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

We are certainly willing to give that consideration, yes.

Adrian Cochrane-Watson (UUP, South Antrim)

4. Mr Cochrane-Watson asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister for an update on the delivery of their Programme for Government 2011-15 commitments. (AQO 8565/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Programme for Government 2011-15 set a challenging agenda for the Executive. Since its publication, despite difficult economic conditions, our record on delivery has been strong. Overall, 81% of Programme for Government commitments have been achieved, improving on the 70% achieved in the last Programme for Government.

OFMDFM led on 14 of the commitments, finding innovative approaches to tackling deep-seated, cross-cutting issues. Through Delivering Social Change, notable successes have been achieved in supporting numeracy and literacy as well as providing more help for families and young people. We have committed £55·4 million to the social investment fund projects, 67% of the total fund. Over £80 million of competitive funds have been drawn down from Europe, demonstrating our increasing success in engaging with Europe. Seven major good relations programmes have been put in place under Together: Building a United Community. This is the largest investment in constructive community relations in our history.

When we published this Programme for Government, we made sure that we set the delivery bar high for Departments. It was meant to be ambitious and to aim for transformative change. The achievements of the Executive in this period show the benefits of that approach.

Adrian Cochrane-Watson (UUP, South Antrim)

Does the deputy First Minister not agree that failure to deliver on the Programme for Government — the failed regeneration of the Maze/Long Kesh site, the £80 million in the social investment fund not spent and the failure to deliver the construction of the police, fire and prison services college — is indicative that the Executive are dysfunctional and failing to deliver to the people of Northern Ireland?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I welcome the Member from South Antrim as a new boy to these institutions. The question shows how new he is because the Member will be aware that the attempt to implement the Maze/Long Kesh project, create thousands of jobs and develop one of the most prime sites in western Europe was opposed by his party — but not by just the Ulster Unionist Party; it was opposed by others.

I think that it was a big mistake, but the track record of the Ulster Unionist Party over the last four or five years is there for everybody to see. I know that the leader of the Ulster Unionist Party tries to portray himself in the media as someone who is up for agreement and for forging agreements. He criticises the DUP and Sinn Féin when, in fact, the Ulster Unionist Party was at the forefront of opposing the development of Maze/Long Kesh site. The Ulster Unionist Party is also at the forefront of opposing the move of the Department of Agriculture and Rural Development from Belfast to west of the Bann. That sends a very negative message to people west of the Bann about where they are coming from on the whole issue of equality. Of course, it also opposed the determinations made by the Parades Commission and found itself lined up alongside loyalist paramilitaries in a unionist/loyalist pact that was formed some time ago.

So, I will not take any lessons from the Ulster Unionist Party about forging agreements. I think that, in the course of the delivery of the Programme for Government, being able to deliver 81% is some achievement.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

We will see tomorrow.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Order.

Maeve McLaughlin (Sinn Féin, Foyle)

Go raibh maith agat. Will the Minister provide an update specifically on the Programme for Government commitment to the One Plan for Derry?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The One Plan, as many people know, is embedded as the keystone of regeneration in the city of Derry. A number of the buildings in Ebrington are shortly to be completed, and a future phase of market testing is also planned for four buildings. ILEX is tasked with the development and regeneration of the Ebrington site, helping to make it one of the key shared spaces within the city. To date, £16·5 million has been spent on capital works in Ebrington. A further £2·8 million has been made available to ILEX for 2015-16. There has been significant development on the Ebrington site, which will increase confidence in the city and help to bring businesses to Ebrington. The recent success of the North West Regional Science Park and capital developments at Ebrington, which will come on stream in 2015-16, will provide opportunities for job creation in Derry and the north-west.

Chris Lyttle (Alliance, Belfast East)

The deputy First Minister mentioned the key Programme for Government commitment on building a united community. One of the key commitments in the Together: Building a United Community strategy is tackling all manifestations of paramilitarism in our society. What more does the deputy First Minister think the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister can do to ensure that that is achieved?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I think that, as always, there is a duty and responsibility on all the political parties and on every single politician in the Assembly to be seen to stand together against all forms of paramilitarism, armed groups or those who are involved in criminal activity. I think that my track record in the last eight years as deputy First Minister is second to that of no other Member in the House to such an extent that I have been very up front in my condemnation of those who would resort to violence of any kind. My life has been threatened as a result of it. That has not put me off. I will continue to oppose those who would attempt to drag us back to the past. I do not care what labels they put on themselves or others put on them. It is the duty of everyone in the Assembly to stand against criminality and violence. I have stood with unionist ministers. I have stood with the Chief Constable of the PSNI. Sadly, when it comes to confronting the activities of extreme loyalists who are attacking and injuring police officers on the street, I have yet to have any unionist leader stand with me.

Mike Nesbitt (UUP, Strangford)

What about Saville?

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

I am not going to issue any further warning. If people continue to barrack from a sedentary position, they will not be called to participate in the remainder of this plenary session.

Steven Agnew (Green, North Down)

5. Mr Agnew asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister what consideration they have given to proposals by the UK Government to redefine child poverty. (AQO 8566/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

With your permission, a Cheann Comhairle, I will ask junior Minister McCann to answer this question.

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

On 1 July 2015, the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions, Iain Duncan Smith, announced that he will bring forward legislation to amend the Child Poverty Act 2010. Mr Duncan Smith and the Secretary of State for Education, Nicky Morgan, wrote to the First Minister and the deputy First Minister following that announcement to outline the potential proposed amendments.

On 9 July, the Westminster Government announced a Welfare Reform and Work Bill in Parliament, which aims to put the new proposed approach into law. The Bill includes clauses to remove the duty on the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions to meet the four current statutory targets and to enact a new approach to tackling child poverty in England. The Government have indicated that each devolved Administration can decide whether or not to propose amendments to the provisions in relation to their duties and statutory obligations.

In line with Scotland and Wales, we have agreed the proposals of the Department for Work and Pensions. We are considering the potential impact of the positive work carried out to date locally to address the circumstances that cause more of our children here in the North to face poverty and the impact of poverty on their lives. The Executive's approach to child poverty will not be determined by the Bill that is currently before Parliament.

Steven Agnew (Green, North Down)

I thank the junior Minister for her answer. One of the proposals from the Secretary of State Iain Duncan Smith is to move away from the measure of poverty at 60% of the average income. There has been plenty of documented evidence of how inequality impinges upon the prosperity of the poorest in society. Will the junior Minister give a commitment that Northern Ireland will not move away from that important measure of inequality and poverty?

Jennifer McCann (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

As I said in earlier answers, you cannot divorce child poverty from poverty in families. It is very important that, when we are looking at measures of poverty, we look at low income but also at deprivation. Those measurements, in my opinion, are probably the two most important when looking at child poverty. There are other measurements, such as educational underachievement, health inequalities and everything else, but I think that, when we are looking at child poverty, we need to look at family income and particularly deprivation among children in those families. It is clear that a child not having enough to eat because the family does not have enough money to feed it, a child living in a damp house or in inadequate housing or not having a computer to do homework, that all those things will all have an impact on the life chances of that child in later life. So, it is very important that those measurements of income and deprivation are there.

Sean Lynch (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

6. Mr Lynch asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to outline whether an outcome focused approach has been applied to the delivery of the Programme for Government 2011-15. (AQO 8567/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Programme for Government 2011-15 sets five priorities for achievement by the Executive. Each priority has a set of identified outcomes for achievement. In managing the implementation of the Programme for Government, our role is to support Departments to deliver their commitments and to ensure that the commitments deliver on the outcomes that we have identified. For example, Programme for Government priority 2, which is about creating opportunities, tackling disadvantage and improving health and well-being, identifies outcomes, including fewer deprived communities, reduced health inequalities and greater equality of opportunity in economic participation. One of the advantages of having a Programme for Government managed centrally from OFMDFM is that it enables that strategic focus on the achievement of outcomes.

Sean Lynch (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as an fhreagra sin. I thank the Minister for his answer. Is any work ongoing regarding the next Programme for Government for 2016-2021?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Notwithstanding the current political difficulties and acknowledging that a Programme for Government for the period 2016-2021 will be a matter for an incoming Executive following the next Assembly election, work is ongoing to look at potential high-level objectives and to identify possible delivery models and governance and accountability structures. In particular, we are exploring the potential benefits of an even greater focus on outcomes through the development of an outcomes framework for the public sector.

It is helpful that the development of the new structures in government and preparation for a new Programme for Government are progressing together. That should ensure that the future delivery of outcomes will benefit from better collaboration and decision-making across Departments, leading to improved accountability.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

That brings us to the end of the period for listed questions. We now move on to 15 minutes of topical questions.

Karen McKevitt (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

T1. Mrs McKevitt asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister what representations they have made to the Prime Minister and European representatives about the Syrian refugee situation. (AQT 2761/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I had the opportunity to speak to the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, just a few days ago. Obviously, the conversation centred on the present difficulties that we are experiencing at the Assembly and exploring how we can take those forward, and I welcome the fact that we will go into vital talks over the next short while to try to resolve those difficulties. During that conversation, I took the opportunity to raise the plight of the refugees and to stress what I believe to be the case, which is that, in Scotland, Wales and the North, we are willing to play our part and do more but he needs to do more. Of course, he is making a statement today in the House of Commons about the numbers.

It represents a huge challenge for all of us. It is a horrendous situation in which people have been displaced from their homes as a result of war and conflict in their country. Of course, we look at the journeys that these people have undertaken and the way that they have risked their lives and those of their families to escape from war-torn situations, and we have to look at all those people with incredible admiration for their willingness to walk some 170 kilometres from one country to another to find safety. There is an argument about whether they should be called migrants or refugees: they are clearly refugees, but they are also people who are willing to take enormous risks to save their lives and those of their families. They do not strike me as people who want to end up in the North of Ireland, Scotland, Wales or Germany — I applaud the Germans for the way in which they have welcomed the refugees and the fact that they have offered to take some 800,000 of them — and sit on their backside when they get there.

Karen McKevitt (Social Democratic and Labour Party, South Down)

Has a plan been thought out about what role Northern Ireland can play to help the Syrian refugees? What example will you, as a leader, set the people in our society regarding the Syrian refugee crisis?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

From the comments that have been made by all the political parties who have spoken on the issue, it is obvious that we all want to do more and to do something. I know that OFMDFM officials, under the tutelage of the two junior Ministers, have been involved in discussions in recent times about how we can contribute to alleviating the plight of those people. That work continues. I hope to have a conversation shortly with the First Minister, because urgency is required in taking the matter forward. Work is already under way. Officials and junior Ministers are involved in that work, and there is no doubt whatsoever that the First Minister and I want to contribute and play our part in alleviating the plight of those poor people.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

T2. Ms Sugden asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister to state whether the 2011-15 Programme for Government targets that the Northern Ireland Executive fail to meet will default to a 2015-16 Programme for Government or have the Executive forgotten about government policy until an election. (AQT 2762/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

No. When you consider that we have delivered 81% against the backdrop of a 70% return for the previous Programme for Government, you see that it represents a huge success for our Executive. On a consistent basis, we deal with commentators and some news reporters — not all — who continually try to portray the Executive as a place in which no decisions are taken. The fact is that many decisions have been taken. Eighty-one per cent of the Programme for Government has been delivered. There is outstanding work to do on the other 19%. As we go forward with the future Programme for Government, whether it is for the rest of this term or into the next term, there is no doubt that serious consideration will be given to how we can continue to up our performance.

Claire Sugden (Independent, East Londonderry)

I thank the deputy First Minister for his answer. I still do not think that it is good enough, so will he now provide me with the names of the civil servants to approach in order to get things done for the people whom I represent, now that the Government have proved themselves finally defunct?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I do not agree with that analysis. It sounds like a wee bit of political point-scoring and ignores the fact that I was able to present to the Assembly today the reality that 81% of the Programme for Government has been delivered. That, against the backdrop of a previous 70% return, represents a considerable improvement. I know that, as we approach the election, there are people — they are not all members of political parties — who are also fighting their own election, and that includes the Member for East Derry or, as she would call it, East Londonderry. I understand all of that; I am very philosophical about it. The reality is that an awful lot of good work has been done, not least in job creation and attracting foreign direct investment, which has put thousands and thousands of people into new jobs.

Leslie Cree (UUP, North Down)

T3. Mr Cree asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether they continue to support the Stormont House Agreement. (AQT 2763/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

Yes.

Leslie Cree (UUP, North Down)

That being so, I wonder why they object to the Ulster Unionist Party going into opposition.

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I do not object to the Ulster Unionist Party going into opposition; I do not know where the Member got that notion from. Should the Ulster Unionist Party, the SDLP, Sinn Féin or the DUP want to go into opposition, we have made provision for that in the Stormont House Agreement. It is interesting that the question comes from a member of a party that does not support the Stormont House Agreement. My understanding is that the Ulster Unionist executive has never met to endorse the Stormont House Agreement. Correct me if I am wrong.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

I do not want you to take up that invitation. We will move on.

Mr Patsy McGlone is not in his place, so I call Mr Neil Somerville.

Neil Somerville (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Question number 1.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

You are listed for a topical question, Mr Somerville. Present your question, please.

We will have to move on.

Neil Somerville (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

T5. Mr Somerville asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether the deputy First Minister is aware of the serious concerns with the prospect of Enniskillen courthouse closing and the impact that that will have on accessing justice, with the subsequent delays across Fermanagh and South Tyrone. (AQT 2765/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I applaud the Member's ability to come up with a question and whoever gave him the question in the last few minutes. The Justice Minister is following me in answering questions; no doubt, he might have something to say about Enniskillen courthouse.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Mr Somerville, are you ready with a supplementary?

Neil Somerville (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

No.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

OK. I will move along quickly.

Daithí McKay (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

T6. Mr McKay asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether they welcome the statements from Church leaders, particularly the Pope and the bishops, encouraging the public to care for Syrian refugees and, indeed, bring them into their own homes. (AQT 2766/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

I am very encouraged by what I hear from every section of society, not least the Church leaders. I think that the terrible events of the last couple of months have brought it home to everybody, even though it is very sad that we had to see the dead body of an infant lying on a beach in Turkey for it to be brought home to everybody.

There has been a very strong response in our society to what is an incredibly sad humanitarian crisis.

I welcome the change of position by the British Government on this issue. As I said earlier, I spoke to David Cameron last Thursday, and we await his announcement on how many refugees will be assisted and what the British Government intend to put in place. We will certainly play our part in that.

It is a tragic situation and OFMDFM has been discussing how we might respond for some time. Months ago, our officials met Belfast City Council, Derry and Strabane Council, the Community of Refugees and Asylum Seekers and the North West Migrants Forum on this issue, and in the coming days we will look very seriously at what needs to be put in place. The public reaction is heart-warming, and it is great to see that Germany and other countries are prepared to play their part. We, too, have to play ours.

Daithí McKay (Sinn Féin, North Antrim)

Go raibh maith agat, a Cheann Comhairle. I see that the Dublin Government have announced that the Twenty-six Counties aim to take 5,000 refugees. Will the deputy First Minister be in contact with the Dublin Government and the Taoiseach to ensure that whatever can be done on a cross-border basis in regard to the refugee crisis will be done?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

This is something that transcends politics in terms of the human misery that people are going through at the moment. We certainly will have discussions with the Irish Government about how we can all contribute on the island of Ireland.

People are exercised by the numbers. During an interview at the weekend, I talked about my willingness to take 2,000 people. At that time, the talk was that, in the South, they would take 1,800. This is something that we have to agree among ourselves, and no doubt in our discussions the First Minister and I will deal with this as a matter of considerable urgency. I do not think there will be any difficulty in coming to an agreement, and we are prepared to work with the British, Scottish and Welsh Governments, and the Government in Dublin, to help people through what has been a horrendous ordeal.

Judith Cochrane (Alliance, Belfast East)

T7. Mrs Cochrane asked the First Minister and deputy First Minister whether the deputy First Minister believes that it was a mistake not to progress welfare reform as per the Stormont House Agreement, which he supports, with Northern Ireland concessions in place, rather than risk the full Tory version being imposed. (AQT 2767/11-16)

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

The Member knows as well as I do that the announcement that talks are to take place provides an opportunity for all the parties to try to resolve the outstanding difficulties in relation to the Stormont House Agreement, particularly around the issue of welfare. I do not think it was helpful of Theresa Villiers to say what she said over the weekend; it effectively undermines devolution. I note that Charlie Flanagan, the Foreign Minister, made a critical comment on those remarks. What we all need to do over the next couple of weeks is knuckle down, get the agreement and, hopefully, put in the past the arguments about how to protect the most vulnerable, disadvantaged and disabled people in our society, whilst ensuring that we have the ability to deliver first-class public services.

Judith Cochrane (Alliance, Belfast East)

I thank the Minister for his answer. I wonder if he has learnt any lessons from the climbdown of the Greek Government in July, and will he therefore bring some fresh thinking to the table?

Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin, Mid Ulster)

My track record over 20 years is of bringing new thinking to the table and resolving some of the most intractable problems, some of which people thought would never be resolved. All those decisions have resulted in the Member sitting in this House today. Yes, as we face into talks over the next couple of weeks, we all have to recognise that there are huge challenges and that the entire community out there supports all of us in different ways and expects strong leadership. The difficulty is the austerity agenda being imposed by the British Government, whether in England, Scotland, Wales or here. That provides an opportunity for us to do something different. Devolution is about making a difference, and that means a difference from what they do in England. That is what I am trying to achieve.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Time is up.

Oral Answers to Questions — Justice

Neil Somerville (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

1. Mr Somerville asked the Minister of Justice for an update on the rationalisation of the court estate. (AQO 8573/11-16)

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

The consultation on the rationalisation of the court estate closed on 18 May. The responses to the consultation have been analysed, and advice will be submitted to me later this month. I will wish to carefully consider the responses and recommendations before reaching any conclusions.

Neil Somerville (UUP, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

I am sure that the Minister already knows what my supplementary question will be. Is he aware of the serious concerns about the prospective closure of Enniskillen courthouse and the impact that that will have on access to justice, including delays across Fermanagh and South Tyrone?

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

I am aware of the concerns of a small number of people about a number of courthouses across Northern Ireland. The reality is that access to justice is not about having a courthouse in every town: it is about ensuring that we have proper, fit-for-purpose courthouses with modern facilities.

In the context of the financial circumstances that we live in, the Northern Ireland Courts and Tribunals Service, like other agencies, has to deliver significant savings in the coming years. That cannot be done by maintaining 20 courthouses for a population of 1·8 million; rationalisation is required. The important thing is to ensure that courthouses meet the needs of people when they get there, rather than having inadequate facilities in every town and village.

Sean Lynch (Sinn Féin, Fermanagh and South Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat. Does the Minister agree that his views on the closures are not shared by the Lord Chief Justice? Does he agree that the current proposals will undermine access to and quality of justice?

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

To take the second point first: no, I certainly do not agree that the proposals will undermine access to justice. Justice may be slightly further away, but if it is in a better building with better facilities — for example, in order to segregate vulnerable victims and witnesses from the alleged perpetrators of crimes — then I believe that that will be a bonus for access to justice.

I have just heard the Lord Chief Justice give his annual speech for the start of the legal year, and, while he expressed his concerns, I note his acknowledgement that there are significant issues around finances that need to be addressed. For example, I note the good work that has been done by the presiding district judge, which is already resulting in a reduction in the number of court sitting days required. That is all the more reason why we should be concentrating those court sittings in modern, fit-for-purpose courthouses.

Dominic Bradley (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Newry and Armagh)

Gabhaimse buíochas leis an Aire inniu as a chuid freagraí. I thank the Minister for his answers. I do not know where he gets the idea that only a small number of people are concerned about this issue. I attended the public meeting in Armagh courthouse, and all of the political parties on the then council were against its closure. Does the Minister agree with me that the closure of Armagh courthouse will downgrade Armagh's status as a city and deny people access to justice locally? The legal profession believes that it will lead to the backlogging of cases in Craigavon and Newry courthouses.

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

Again, the evidence from the proposals that were put forward was that adequate court sittings could be provided, in those courthouses proposed to be retained, to meet the needs of court sittings in those proposed for closure. I do not believe that that will impinge on access to justice.

I am well aware how local councillors tend to view facilities in their towns or cities, but that is not the basis on which we can take a rational decision on how to fund the operations of the Courts and Tribunals Service in the years ahead. It is not the function of the Department of Justice to maintain historic buildings, as some have suggested; it is the function of the Department of Justice to provide a fit-for-purpose and modern justice system for the people of Northern Ireland. That is what we are seeking to do, within the financial constraints that we have been put under.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Before we move on, I inform Members that question 9 has been withdrawn within the appropriate time frame.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

2. Mr Dallat asked the Minister of Justice whether cautions, informed warning and other non-court disposals are to be included as part of the information disclosed in Access NI enhanced checks. (AQO 8574/11-16)

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

Disclosure requires a balance to be struck between the rights of the individual and the need to protect vulnerable people. Access NI is required by statute to disclose information in relation to informed warnings, cautions and diversionary youth conferences in standard and enhanced checks. Those non-court disposals are considered to form part of an individual's criminal record. To ensure a proportionate approach before disclosure, such disposals may be filtered — that is, removed — from the certificate if they are considered to be old or are for offences that are considered minor. Informed warnings are filtered after one year; youth cautions and diversionary youth conferences are filtered after two years; and adult cautions are filtered after six years. Disposals are not filtered for violent, sexual or drug offences.

The Justice Act 2015 makes provision for anyone who considers that a non-court disposal should be removed from their certificate to appeal to an independent person. That independent person can require the Department to remove such non-court disposals from a certificate if he considers that they are not relevant or ought not to have been disclosed. I propose to commence the provisions early next year.

John Dallat (Social Democratic and Labour Party, East Londonderry)

I welcome the response from the Minister so far. Does he agree with me that, given the serious problems that this has caused not just for new applicants but for people in existing jobs, will he undertake to monitor and review that situation on an ongoing basis? People who got warnings about very minor infringements of the law find themselves not just in a very embarrassing position but sometimes in a position where their job may be lost.

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

I am certainly happy to give the assurance to Mr Dallat that this is an issue that, like many other issues across justice, is kept under review. There are certainly issues as to how we define minor convictions. I know that concerns have been expressed where somebody has two or three minor convictions that have a cumulative effect, which would not be the case if there were a single one, but there is a real issue about how we balance the rights of the individual to live a life as normally as possible in the future and ensuring that we protect vulnerable members of the public. I am happy to keep it under review, but it will not be easy to take the decision one way or the other in every case.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

3. Mr Maskey asked the Minister of Justice for an update on his Department's plan to recruit extra investigating officers to assist the coroner to prepare for hearings of legacy inquests. (AQO 8575/11-16)

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

I am discussing with the Lord Chief Justice a number of measures to improve the performance of the Coroners Service, including the appointment of investigating officers and the Lord Chief Justice assuming the presidency of the Coroners' Court. As the Member will recognise, progress in dealing with the past, including the legacy inquest process, can be made only in the context of the full implementation of the Stormont House Agreement and the provision of the associated funding.

Alex Maskey (Sinn Féin, Belfast West)

I thank the Minister for that reply. Does he agree that the recent comments from the coroner, John Leckey, point out that the current system is having a very negative impact on public confidence and that remedial action is required to restore that confidence?

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

It is not just a matter of remedial action being required; remedial action is being taken, including, for example, the appointment of an additional County Court judge to enable judges to take over some of the more complex issues of coronial investigation, particularly the legacy inquests. That work is being done. As we look to the retirement of the current senior coroner, the assumption of the presidency by the Lord Chief Justice will provide leadership for the Coroners Service, and that will help us to move forward. Clearly, a number of issues, including the illness of coroners, have created difficulties in the past.

Colum Eastwood (Social Democratic and Labour Party, Foyle)

I thank the Minister for his answers thus far. Imagine for a second that the Stormont House Agreement is implemented and the funds are available: is he confident that we can fill the gaps in personnel and recruitment to ensure that we meet all the needs of the legacy issues?

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

Of course, Mr Eastwood raises, quite rightly, the issue of appropriate personnel. The question was originally around investigating officers. There are then issues around the coroners or judges acting as coroners. There are significant resource implications that require the provision of the finance to do it. There are, of course, other roles that are provided for under the Stormont House Agreement that may require people with similar skill sets working in the historical investigations unit (HIU), for example. I cannot give any guarantee, but I can guarantee that the DOJ will do all it can to ensure that we get the process under way. There are issues of the very significant number of legacy inquests currently listed and the work that needs to be done by the judiciary to ensure that those are put into order and proceeded with as fast as possible.

Michael McGimpsey (UUP, Belfast South)

In view of the fact that this matter is a key part of the Stormont House Agreement — I welcome the Minister's comments about the full implementation of the agreement — will he confirm that he is not currently considering a partial implementation of the Stormont House Agreement and is in fact working towards its full implementation?

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

I appreciate Mr McGimpsey's question. I am not sure that the Minister of Justice can say that he is working towards a full implementation, and it is not the role of the Alliance Party leader to argue at this rostrum that he is arguing for the full implementation. The Minister of Justice is seeking to ensure that the DOJ fulfils its responsibilities, principally around the HIU and legacy interests, and that we play our part in getting a joined-up system so that the Stormont House Agreement can be put into place as fast as possible.

Mitchel McLaughlin (Speaker, South Antrim)

Ms Megan Fearon is not in her place, so I call Mr Robin Swann.

Robin Swann (UUP, North Antrim)

5. Mr Swann asked the Minister of Justice how many on-duty prison officers have been victims of assault since May 2011. (AQO 8577/11-16)

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

Any assault in prison, whether it is on a prison officer or a prisoner, is unacceptable. There have a total of 282 assaults on prison officers on duty in prison establishments in the four financial years beginning in 2011. From an operational perspective, the Northern Ireland Prison Service (NIPS) has taken forward detailed analysis of assaults on staff and has found that the greatest contributing factor is crowding. A significant number of prisoners were moved from crowded residential areas in 2014 to address that issue. The use of accommodation is kept under regular review, and the prison population is dynamically managed in that respect.

Additionally, the Prison Service has recently commissioned a pilot to evaluate the effectiveness of body-worn cameras for prison staff to prevent violence and assist in the management of disruptive prisoners. Initial results at Maghaberry suggest a significant deterrent effect. NIPS has improved its mechanisms for recording assaults and analysing the factors involved and maintains a high level of vigilance in respect of prison violence. It also engages constructively with the Prison Officers' Association on a regular basis to discuss staff safety.

Robin Swann (UUP, North Antrim)

To be honest with you, Minister, I am shocked at those figures, because, over that four-year period, that is an average of one prison officer per week being injured while on duty. If the core issue is crowding, what is the Minister doing to ensure that manning levels are sufficient to ensure the safety of officers? What is he doing to address the low staff morale in the Prison Service at this minute?

David Ford (Alliance, South Antrim)

Mr Swann talks about low staff morale. There is no doubt that particular issues have resulted in, for example, significant sickness levels in Maghaberry in particular but much less so in Hydebank and Magilligan. That may be attributed to low morale. That is why, at leadership level in Maghaberry, work is being done to deal with issues like sickness levels and to ensure that there are better staff ratios. However, as I said in my principal answer, the key issue is crowding. That appeared to be the principal reason. The opening of an additional block and the movement of people out of some of the crowded old square houses has produced a better atmosphere and less difficulty, but the Prison Service will have to continue to manage within the limited budget that it has to ensure that staffing ratios are at the best possible level consistent with living within that budget.

Michaela Boyle (Sinn Féin, West Tyrone)

Go raibh maith agat. Minister, are you satisfied that there are sufficient resources and that prisoners are out of their cells engaging in meaningful activity during the day, rather than there being a regime of lockdown resulting in tensions?